Ramadan

Ramadan is the ninth month of the Islamic lunar calendar and the period in which many Muslims observe a month-long fast from dawn to sunset. Muslims regard it as the month in which the Quran was first revealed, and the fast (sawm) is one of the obligatory practices of the faith. Because the calendar is based on the phases of the Moon rather than the solar year, Ramadan moves about eleven days earlier each year relative to the Gregorian calendar, so it is observed in every season over a cycle of roughly thirty-three years. The month is closely tied to religious ritual, but it also shapes daily routines, family life, charity, food culture and public life in Muslim-majority societies and among Muslim communities worldwide.

This entry first explains the name and the month's place in the Islamic calendar, then turns to the scriptural and legal foundations of the fast, its rules and exemptions, and the problem of establishing the start and end of the month. It then covers the nightly worship, charity and social functions of Ramadan, its historical development from the early Medina period to the modern era, and the regional customs and cultural expressions that have grown up around it. The final sections address the festival of Eid al-Fitr that closes the month, the physiological and medical questions raised by fasting, and the ways in which states and workplaces accommodate the fast.

Name, definition and place in the Islamic calendar

Ramadan is the ninth month of the Islamic calendar, the Hijri calendar, and Muslims observe it worldwide as a month of fasting, prayer and reflection. The Arabic name is usually derived from the root r-m-ḍ, which carries the sense of being parched or scorched, and English dictionaries therefore gloss it as "the hot month." Arabic lexical sources also note that Ramadan fell in summer in pre-Islamic reckoning, before the Quran prohibited intercalary months (9:37). The name thus preserves a link to an older seasonal naming scheme, even though the calendar itself no longer tracks the seasons.

The Hijri year has twelve lunar months, each beginning approximately with the new moon. Months alternate between 29 and 30 days, and the final month varies within a 30-year cycle, so the year is either 354 or 355 days long. Because no intercalary months are inserted to keep the year in step with the solar year, the months move backward through the seasons. Britannica estimates that the named months retrogress through the solar year about every 32.5 solar years, while other summaries put a full cycle at roughly 33 years. In practice, the start of Ramadan arrives about ten to eleven days earlier each Gregorian year. In 2026, for example, Ramadan began on 18 February in Saudi Arabia and on 19 February in Turkey, Egypt and Indonesia. Over a lifetime, a Muslim will therefore fast through winter days and summer days alike, and the length of the daily fast changes accordingly. The calendar's epoch is the Hijra, Muhammad's migration to Medina in 622 CE, from which years are counted.

The word Ramadan has two overlapping meanings. It denotes the period of roughly 29 or 30 days that runs from one sighting of the crescent moon to the next, and it also names the religious practice that gives this period its content: sawm, the obligatory fast. During the fast, adult Muslims in good health abstain from food, drink and sexual relations from dawn until sunset. The time frame is calendrical; the fast is the ritual obligation. Fasting in Ramadan is one of the five pillars of Islam, and the rules governing it are discussed in later sections.

Ramadan is widely regarded as the most sacred month of the Islamic year. It is commemorated as the period in which the Quran began to be revealed to Muhammad, and its final ten nights carry special weight. Within those nights Muslims seek Laylat al-Qadr, the Night of Power, which the Quran describes in its 97th chapter as better than a thousand months. The Quran does not give its date, and hadith traditions place it on one of the odd-numbered nights of the last ten days, which is why Muslims intensify worship throughout that stretch of the month. The night's observance and its textual basis are treated in a later section, but the link between the fast, the revelation and the final decade of the month is central to why Ramadan holds its position in the ritual year.

Scriptural and textual foundations

The legal and devotional core of Ramadan rests first on the Quran. Verse 2:183 presents fasting as a duty that earlier communities also bore, and it links the practice to the goal of becoming God-conscious (Fasting is enjoined upon you, as it was enjoined upon those before you, that you become God-fearing.). Verse 2:184 introduces the relief measures. Travellers and the sick are not required to fast during the month and may postpone the fast until "another equal number of days." Those who can fast only with great hardship may instead feed a needy person (For those who can do it with hardship, a ransom is required: the feeding of one who is indigent.). Four verses are commonly cited as directly addressing Ramadan fasting (Fasting during the month of Ramadan is specifically mentioned in four verses of the Qur'an).

Verse 2:185 links the month to revelation. Its statement that the Quran was sent down in Ramadan is widely cited, and the revelation of the Quran commenced in the month of Ramadan, the ninth month of the Arabian year. Commentators differ on how literally to read this. The Ahmadiyya commentary takes it to mean the commencement of its revelation, while the same verse is often reconciled with Surah 97 by reading the descent as a single event on one night.

The Night of Power

Surah 97 (al-Qadr) identifies a night on which the Quran was sent down and describes it as better than 1,000 months (approximately 83.3 years). The Surah also depicts angels descending during that night. The Quran does not give its date. The explicit statement is that the Night occurs in the blessed month of Ramadan, but its exact date has not been disclosed.

The traditional view places it near the end of the month. Hadith reports from Aisha state that the Prophet used to seclude himself in the last ten nights and told his community to look for the Night of Power in those nights (Look for the Night of Qadr in the last ten nights of the month of Ramadan.). A more specific tradition restricts the search to the odd-numbered nights, the 21st, 23rd, 25th, 27th and 29th (Recorded by Bukhari, and narrated by `Aisha, the Prophet (pbuh) said, "Search for the Night of Qadr in the odd nights of the last ten days of Ramadan."). Scholars have ranked these reports differently. Ibn Hajar described the 27th as the most likely view of the majority, although he judged the hadith that names the 27th to be probably the words of Mu'awiya rather than the Prophet. A commentary cited on Quran.com holds that it could be any of the last ten odd nights which may alternate from year to year. One hadith explains the uncertainty by reporting that the date was withdrawn from knowledge after two men quarrelled.

Key hadith

The hadith literature gives the fast its moral and reward framework. The most frequently cited report, transmitted in Bukhari and Muslim, associates forgiveness of past sins with fasting undertaken in faith and in hope of reward (It was narrated that Abu Hurayrah said: The Messenger of Allah said: "Whoever fasts Ramadan out of faith and in hope of reward, his previous sins will be forgiven."). Another report in Musnad Ahmad, graded authentic by Ahmad Shakir, has Muhammad describing the night prayers as a practice he himself established (Source: Musnad Aḥmad 1688; Grade: Sahih (authentic) according to Ahmad Shakir). Hadith on the special status of fasting state that God reserves to Himself the reward for fasting ("Every act of the son of Adam is for him, except fasting. It is for Me, and I will reward him for it."). Other reports describe two joys for the fasting believer, at the time of breaking the fast and at meeting God (There are two occasions of joy for a fasting person: one when he breaks his fast, and the other when he meets his Lord). A widely transmitted tradition in Sahih Muslim promises the reward of a year's fasting to those who follow Ramadan with six days in Shawwal ("Whoever fasts the month of Ramadan and then follows it with six days of fasting in the month of Shawwal, it will be as if he has fasted the year through.").

Classical jurists and legal schools

Classical jurists treated the obligation of Ramadan fasting as settled. The four Sunni schools (Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi'i and Hanbali) agree on the basic obligation, the dawn-to-sunset framework and the main categories of exemption. Disagreement lies in the details, which are often drawn from the same verses and hadith. Schools differ on whether a single intention (niyya) made at the start of the month suffices or whether each day needs its own, and on the latest time at which that intention may be formed. They also differ on the minimum journey length that qualifies a traveller for exemption, and on the obligations of a person who dies before making up missed days.

Some disputes arise from the text itself. Tafsir Ma'ariful Quran reads the phrase "a number of other days" as allowing make-up days to be fasted at intervals rather than consecutively (one can fast with gaps at his convenience which would be quite permissible since the wording of the Qur'an leave the possibility open.). Tafheem ul Quran holds that the leniency granted to able-bodied persons in 2:184 was later revoked by 2:185 (Another injunction was revealed later see (verse 185) and here the relaxation in respect of able-bodied persons was revoked.). A stricter legal position, found in an Islam Q&A answer, holds that the full reward attaches only to fasting every day of the month. Customarily it cannot be said that someone fasted Ramadan unless he fasted the entire month.

Rules of fasting and exemptions

Daylight prohibitions and intention

The fast runs from dawn to sunset, and Muslims refrain from all food and drink in that span. Water is included in the ban, and accidentally swallowing a little water while brushing the teeth is generally excused, and scholars advise using minimal water and avoiding gargling. The main invalidating acts are usually listed as eating and drinking, smoking, intimate marital relations, intentional vomiting, and menstruation or postnatal bleeding. Some sources add that ethical lapses such as gossiping, lying, or arguing do not technically break the fast but undermine its purpose, and the rule that sinful behaviour is impermissible even when it does not nullify the fast is a common teaching.

The fast must also be willed. Jurists treat the intention (niyya) as a core condition, and the schools differ on its timing and form: the Maliki, Shafi'i and Hanbali schools generally require it to be formed during the night before dawn, while the Hanafi school allows a more flexible intention for the obligatory fast.

Suhur and iftar

The pre-dawn meal, suhur, is recommended before sunrise. The Prophet's saying that there is blessing in taking suhur is the usual basis for this practice, and the Prophet encouraged delaying suhur and hastening iftar. The evening meal is called iftar, and it usually starts with dates and water or milk, followed by dinner. The custom of opening the fast with dates and water is traditionally tied to the Prophet's own practice, and drinking plenty of water between iftar and suhoor is recommended, especially in hot weather.

Exemptions and leniency

The Quran grants leniency to those for whom fasting is difficult or harmful. Temporary cases are the main category: young children, elderly people who are medically unable to fast, the sick, pregnant and breastfeeding women, menstruating women and girls, and people travelling long distances are commonly listed as exempt. Some sources also include people who are physically or mentally incapable of fasting. The age at which fasting becomes obligatory is linked to puberty, so children below it are not required to fast.

Pregnant and nursing women are the most debated group. All scholars agree such women can skip fasting if it would harm them or their baby, but the schools disagree on whether they must then make up the days, pay fidya, or both. The Hanbali and Shafi'i schools require fidya only when the child is at risk, and if fasting threatens the woman's own health as well as the child's, she owes only qada'. The Hanafi school does not require fidya here because these women can still make up the fasts later. The Maliki school exempts a pregnant woman from fidya but requires a breastfeeding woman to pay both qada and fidya.

Making up missed days and compensation

Missed fasts for temporary reasons are normally repaid through making up the fasts when able to do so (qada). The schools agree that a person owing qada must perform it in the year between the missed Ramadan and the following one, although the Hanafi school sets no fixed deadline and the Maliki, Shafi'i and Hanbali schools make qada before the next Ramadan a condition, which the Hanafi school does not. Where someone delays without a valid reason and the next Ramadan arrives, Shafi'i-school rulings require the payment of fidya for each day owed in addition to the qada.

Fidya is the compensatory alternative for people who cannot make up the fasts. It applies most clearly to someone with a lasting inability to fast, such as extreme old age or a chronic illness with no realistic expectation of recovery, who then feeds a poor person for each day missed. The amount is not uniform. In the Shafi'i school it is one mudd of the staple food of the place, a dry measure of roughly half a litre, for each day missed, while the Hanafi school is often cited as about 2 kg of wheat per day. Because of this variation, contemporary fatwa bodies often express fidya as the cost of a modest meal.

Deliberately breaking the fast without an excuse carries heavier obligations. The clearest hadith case concerns daytime intercourse, for which the expiation (kaffara) is freeing a slave, or if that is impossible, fasting two consecutive lunar months, or feeding sixty poor people. Jurists differed over whether deliberate eating or drinking without excuse carries the same expiation or requires only repentance and qada'. Shi'i jurists also differ from the Sunni schools on whether a person who remains in a state of major ritual impurity past dawn invalidates the fast, with the Imami view holding that the fast is then invalid and requires both qada and kaffara.

Establishing the beginning and end of the month

Because Ramadan is set by the lunar calendar, its start and finish depend on when a new crescent becomes visible, and no fixed rule has been universally accepted for deciding this. The traditional procedure rests on hadith. Collections attributed to Muhammad direct believers to begin fasting when they see the new crescent and to stop when they see the next one. If clouds hide the moon, the instruction is to complete the preceding month as thirty days. (Sahih al-Bukhari, Hadith 1909; Sahih Muslim, Hadith 1081c)

Witnesses and testimony

Classical jurists treated the sighting as a public fact to be established by testimony. They differed on how many witnesses were needed. Following a report from Ibn Abbas, the requirement for the start of Ramadan is one trustworthy witness, while the start of Shawwal requires two. This page discusses the requirement of one witness for the commencement of Ramadan fasting, supported by a hadith from Ibn Abbaas. Conversely, the beginning of the month of Shawwaal necessitates two trustworthy witnesses, as narrated by Haarith Ibn Haatib. Most jurists also restrict valid testimony to Muslims, so reports from non-Muslim observers are not accepted in law even when broadcast. NonMuslim sightings, even if broadcasted, are not recognized in Shari'a as valid witnesses.

Astronomical calculation and its critics

Calculation became a serious alternative once astronomy could predict the moon's position with precision. Its use is contested. In August 2006, the Fiqh Council of North America announced the exact date for the start of Ramadan based solely on astronomical calculations rather than actual sightings of the new moon. Many around the world protested the validity of such a decision. Opponents argue that the month's start is tied to observation, and that the jurists' consensus favours sighting or completing thirty days. Some scholars, notably Yusuf al-Qaradawi, adopted a middle position: calculation may show that a claimed sighting was impossible and so reject it, but it cannot by itself establish that the new month has begun. So, we take the calculations of astronomers when it comes to negation. We can confirm that this day is "not" Ramadan, but we cannot act upon their calculation to confirm the start of the month. The Egyptian Dar al-Ifta has taken a similar line. Some modern practice also rests on a rule of visibility rather than sighting alone. The Umm al-Qura calendar of Saudi Arabia, for instance, starts a new lunar month when the moon sets after the sun on the evening of computation, without requiring a specific minimum altitude.

Local, regional and national practice

The question of geographical scope has no single answer. A hadith reported from Kurayb suggests that a companion in Medina gave priority to local observation over a distant sighting, which is one basis for the view that a sighting applies only to places where it could be seen. In 2010, divergent views emerged, differing by up to three days. Some states, such as Saudi Arabia, combine national sighting with the official calendar, while others coordinate on a regional basis. The 2016 Istanbul congress on calendar unification proposed visibility criteria, and Indonesia's Muhammadiyah adopts a standard with a minimum lunar altitude of 5 degrees and an elongation of 8 degrees. For Muslims living as minorities, the practical options are personal observation or following a nearby Muslim-majority state. For Muslims in nonMuslim countries, the emphasis lies on personally observing the crescent, or following practices established by Muslim nations.

Announcements and handling disagreement

Official calendars now publish projected dates well in advance, but these are provisional. In Saudi Arabia, the Supreme Court typically calls on the public to look for the crescent on the 29th of Shaʿban and asks anyone who sees it to register their testimony at the nearest court. The Supreme Court has called on Muslims across the Kingdom to look for the crescent moon marking the start of Ramadan, on the evening of Friday, 29th Sha`ban 1446 AH, as per the Umm Al Qura calendar. Gulf countries such as Qatar follow a similar process through their religious ministries. When the crescent is not seen, the month is extended to thirty days. Where communities disagree, the usual practice is for each to follow its own authority, which is why Ramadan and the Eids can differ by a day between countries. Disputes within a country are settled by the designated authority's ruling, which individuals are expected to follow in public observance even if they privately hold a different view.

Nightly worship, recitation and seclusion

Taraweeh prayers

The night prayers of Ramadan, known as taraweeh, are performed in congregation in Muslim mosques and, for many believers, at home after the obligatory evening prayer. The number of units (rak'ah) is not uniform. Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi'i and Hanbali sources all accept twenty units as the standard, and this figure is linked in early collections to a practice from the time of Caliph Umar. The Muwatta narration reports that in the time of Umar the people offered twenty raka'āt. Earlier in the same tradition, however, Umar had ordered two reciters to lead eleven units, eight of Tarawih and three of witr. The Maliki school is reported to favour thirty-six units, based on the practice of the people of Medina. Hanafi jurists also debate the matter: the preponderant opinion of the school's shaykhs holds that the Sunnah is eleven units, and that exceeding this number is recommended. The Shafi'i school treats taraweeh as recommended rather than obligatory. A hadith transmitted in Muslim's collection links night prayer in Ramadan to the forgiveness of past sins, which is one reason the practice is widely observed. In many mosques the recitation is long, and reciting the Qur'an constitutes the most part of these prayers.

Completing the Qur'an

Completing the Qur'an during the month is a widely followed custom, grounded in the Prophet's own practice. Reports in al-Bukhari state that the Angel Gabriel would review the Qur'an revealed up to that point with the Prophet during Ramadan. In the last Ramadan of the Prophet's life, according to the same reports, Gabriel went over the entire Qur'an twice with him. Early Muslims set their own pace during night prayer. Some predecessors finished one complete recitation every three nights, while others did so every seven nights or every ten nights. A common practical method is to divide the text into 30 parts, known as Juz, to be read daily.

I'tikaf (spiritual seclusion)

I'tikaf is a retreat in the mosque for worship. There is scholarly consensus that i'tikaf is a legitimate act of worship prescribed in Islamic law. The Prophet's practice developed over time. He first observed it during the middle ten days of Ramadan, but after being told that the Night of Decree lay in the last ten, he extended his seclusion and told his companions to search the odd nights of the last ten days. According to a report in al-Bukhari, the Prophet made i'tikaf for the last ten nights of Ramadan until he died, and his wives continued the practice after him.

The main conditions concern intention and conduct. The retreat begins with the intention of devoting oneself to worship, and in practice the participant stays in the mosque, praying, reading the Qur'an, and making dhikr and du'a, leaving only for genuine necessities. On timing, the majority of scholars, including the four imams, hold that a person wishing to observe i'tikaf in the last ten days should enter the place before sunset on the night of the twenty-first. Scholars also differ on the reasons for leaving the mosque. Reports indicate that a person who leaves the mosque for a need does not break the retreat or the vow.

Supplication, remembrance and reflection

Beyond the formal prayers, Ramadan is associated with a broader increase in personal devotion. Scholars commonly cite the Qur'an as superior to other forms of dhikr (remembrance), and many believers pair recitation with supplication. In the final nights, time is spent in prayer, Qur'an recitation, dhikr and du'a. The Prophet is reported to have recited the Qur'an slowly, word by word, both in prayer and outside it. Reflection on meaning is therefore treated as part of the practice: contemplating the divine message deepens understanding and strengthens one's bond with God.

Charity, almsgiving and communal meals

Zakat al-Fitr

Zakat al-Fitr is a levy attached to the close of the fast rather than to a person's accumulated wealth. The majority opinion holds that every Muslim must pay it, even the poor, because the obligation attaches to the person rather than to their money. The main exception concerns those who lack food, shelter and basic necessities for themselves. Payment is due at a fixed moment: it becomes obligatory after the last iftar of Ramadan, and a gift handed over before the Eid prayer counts as zakat, while one given later is treated as ordinary sadaqa (Zakat al-Fitr is accepted as zakat if paid before the Eid prayer and as voluntary charity if paid afterwards).

The head of a household normally pays on behalf of dependants, including young children, and the payment cannot be given to people whom the payer is already obliged to support, such as a wife, child or parent.

The measure is traditionally one sa' of a staple food. Estimates of its weight differ: one source gives roughly 2.6 to 3 kg according to the majority of Sunni scholars, while another uses approximately 2.176 kilograms. Whether cash may replace food is disputed. The Hanafi school permits cash, whereas the Maliki, Shafi'i and Hanbali schools do not. Many official councils have nonetheless adopted cash payment as their position.

On recipients, all scholars agree that poor Muslims are legitimate recipients. The majority allow the funds to go to the poor and needy alone, or to all eight Zakat categories, but the Hanbalis and Malikis hold that it belongs exclusively to the poor.

Voluntary charity and its multiplication

Sadaqa is open-ended giving that can be made at any time. Its importance grows in Ramadan because of a tradition that the Prophet gave charity throughout the year but increased it during Ramadan. One widely cited report, transmitted through Ibn Abbas and recorded in Bukhari, describes him as the most generous of people, and most generous during Ramadan. A saying attributed to him in Tirmidhi's collection holds that the best charity is that given in Ramadan. From this, religious writers conclude that Ramadan is a good time to increase one's sadaqa, to pay zakat if it is due, or to begin regular giving.

The ethical emphasis extends beyond money. A hadith in Tirmidhi's collection states that whoever gives iftar to a fasting person receives a reward like theirs, without reducing the fasting person's own reward. This link between feeding the fasting and the wider duty of care for the poor is central to the way charity is practised during the month.

Communal iftar

The meal that ends the day's fast is often shared. It is frequently taken as a community, with Muslims gathering to break their fast together. The meal is taken just after the call to the Maghrib prayer, around sunset.

In many mosques, the meal is organised as a charitable service. One British mosque network describes how households take responsibility for a daily iftar, one meal for all attendees, and that new Muslims, travellers and financially struggling families are welcome. Practices differ by region. In Indonesia, takjil, small snacks or sweet drinks, are distributed on street corners or in front of mosques. In the Northern Borders region of Saudi Arabia, a custom called Al-Tumah involves sending a portion of the iftar meal to neighbouring homes.

Social solidarity

Religious and sociological studies tend to frame these practices as mechanisms of cohesion. A cross-sectional study of Muslims draws on Durkheim's theory of collective assemblies and argues that congregational prayers, fasting and communal iftars create a sense of belonging and mutual recognition. In that study, participants agreed that iftar served as a strong intergenerational bridge. A focus-group study at one mosque found that the communal meal acted as a conduit for social interaction and celebration. A review of multicultural contexts reports that communal iftars and charity distributions facilitate meaningful interactions and reinforce collective solidarity, but the same review notes societal tensions and differing religious interpretations that sometimes complicate the process.

The evidence has clear limits. Much of it comes from small, local samples and self-report, and many accounts are produced by mosques or charities with an interest in presenting these events favourably. The claims that charity and communal meals strengthen bonds across class and background are therefore best read as well-supported descriptions of local practice rather than as measured effects across whole societies.

Historical development from the Medina period to the modern era

The Medinan decree and early practice

Many Islamic accounts date the obligation to fast in Ramadan to the second year after the Hijra, when the community was newly settled in Medina. Fasting the month of Ramadān was made obligatory (wājib) during the month of Sha'ban, in the second year after the Muslims migrated from Mecca to Medina. Some reports mark the decree as falling in that Shaʿbān, the month immediately before Ramadan. On this chronology, Muhammad led the community through nine Ramadan fasts before his death.

Night prayer developed differently. According to the hadith literature, Muhammad led voluntary night prayers in the mosque for a few nights, then stopped attending, fearing the practice would become compulsory. During the Prophet's lifetime, the era of Caliph Abu Bakr, and the early reign of Umar, Taraweeh prayer was not systematically performed in mosques but was observed by believers in their homes. In 14 AH, Caliph Umar issued an order to systematically perform Taraweeh prayer, and under the leadership of Ubayy bin Kaʿb it was re-established as a congregation. Shiʿi scholars regard this congregational form as a later innovation introduced by Umar, a judgement that has remained a point of divergence between the two traditions.

Umayyad and Abbasid periods

In the Umayyad period, the form of the night prayer was not fixed. Every new caliph of the Bani Umayyah altered the units and timings of this prayer. Eight, thirteen, twenty, twenty-four, thirty-six and even forty units were prayed. Over time, the twenty-unit format became the norm in most Sunni legal manuals, though some traditions report only eleven units. Jurists treated the practice as a recommended (sunna) act rather than a duty, which left room for local variation.

The pre-dawn call to suhur also has a long, partly legendary history. Popular accounts attribute the first call to Bilal, but the custom as later practised in Egypt is linked to the Abbasid period. The tradition as we know it, however, didn't fully take place till the Abbasid period when Bin Is'haq, the governor of Egypt at the time, walked the streets of Cairo around Suhour time in the year 238 A.H./853 A.D. Such dating rests on local chronicles and popular retellings, and should be treated with caution.

Fatimid and Mamluk Cairo

Ramadan's urban character is most visible in Cairo, founded by the Fatimids in 969. The best-known custom, the lantern, is tied to the arrival of the Fatimid caliph al-Muʿizz. One popular story suggests that when Al-Mu'izz li-Din Allah Al-Fatimi entered Cairo at night, coming from Morocco during Ramadan, Egyptians gathered to welcome him. Men, women, and children lined the streets carrying torches and decorated lanterns to light his path. Sources disagree on the year: one gives the 15th of Ramadan 362 AH (972 AD), while others link the scene to the 969 founding. Scholars also caution that it isn't clear when the custom became associated with the Islamic holiday of Ramadan.

Under the Mamluk Sultanate (1250–1517), the custom expanded. In the Mamluk era, streets were illuminated on a wider scale, and artisans excelled in architectural innovation, producing intricately designed lanterns adorned with refined artistic motifs. In the Ottoman period, Istanbul and other imperial cities developed their own seasonal displays, including illumination of mosques and public spaces, and popular theatre performed during the evenings. The detailed record for these practices is thinner than for Cairo, and regional variation was considerable.

Print, broadcast and digital change

From the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the observance of Ramadan was reshaped by new media. Printed copies of the Quran, devotional booklets and fasting timetables spread widely, which standardised the times of suhur and iftar. Radio broadcasts of Quran recitation and sermons, and later television serials and special programmes, became seasonal fixtures in many Arabic-speaking countries. Satellite channels and, more recently, websites, mobile applications and social media have added moon-sighting announcements, prayer schedules and online religious instruction, altering how communities learn about the month and where they gather. The consequences for religious authority and for the rhythm of daily life are still debated.

Regional customs and cultural expression

Ramadan's public face varies widely by place, but a few symbols recur across the Muslim world. The most recognisable in the Arab world is the lantern. Its origin is usually traced to Fatimid Cairo, but accounts disagree on details. Most stories agree that it appeared during the Fatimid period, and that it is an entirely Egyptian tradition that spread to other countries in the Arab world. One common version places the event in 969, when Cairenes went out in the dark awaiting the arrival of then-Caliph of Egypt Al-Mu'izz la-Din Allah Al-Fatimy. Another source dates the welcome to 972, when the people of Cairo greeted him in the Giza desert with torches, lanterns, and cheers. Later stories attribute to the Fatimids a more administrative role: one describes a caliph who issued a decree requiring people to hang lanterns on the doors of every shop and house at night, or face a penalty. These accounts are traditional and only partly documented, so the dates should be treated as approximate.

Lantern-making remained concentrated in Cairo. El-Darb El-Ahmar near the Al-Azhar district, Al-Ghouriya, and Birkat Al-Fil area in Sayeda Zeinab are named among the main production areas. Electricity changed the lantern's function: lanterns are no longer used as a source of light, but rather as traditional decoration. Handcrafted brass-and-glass versions are costly, so most people buy cheap plastic lanterns imported from China. The custom also travelled: the Egyptian Fanous started to trickle into neighboring countries until it became a Ramadan tradition in many of them, especially in Damascus, Aleppo, Jerusalem, Gaza and others. Children's lantern-carrying and singing, often with songs such as "Wahwi ya Wahwi," remain a familiar image of the Egyptian street.

Food is the most widely shared form of regional expression, and the meal structure is common even where dishes differ. Iftar commonly opens with dates and water, a practice linked to the Prophet's example. In Saudi homes, Iftar often begins simply with dates and water, followed by dishes that feel deeply familiar. Morocco has harira, a soup with lentils, chickpeas, tomatoes, and herbs, served with sesame pastries fried and dipped in honey. In Egypt, Qatayef is the cherished dessert of Egypt during the month of Ramadan. Across the Gulf, harees remains one of the most traditional Ramadan dishes. In Turkey, Ramazan pidesi is baked exclusively during Ramadan. In South and Southeast Asia, haleem is most commonly eaten in Hyderabad during Iftar to break a long day of fasting. Indonesia's tables often feature kolak, a dessert made from bananas or sweet potatoes cooked in coconut milk and palm sugar. Central Asian examples include patır, a crispy and buttery bread baked in a traditional tandoor oven in Uzbekistan. Bosnia's somun bread appears only during Ramadan.

Literature, poetry, music and the visual arts draw heavily on the month's spiritual and communal themes, and popular culture has long given Ramadan a distinct seasonal character. In much of the Arabic-speaking world, the evening schedule is shaped by specially produced serial dramas and comedy programmes that are broadcast around iftar. I could not verify detailed programming data in the sources gathered for this section, so the broader patterns of Arabic literary and musical production during the month are described here without specific figures.

Pre-dawn drummers are among the most distinctive local customs. In Arabic-speaking countries they are called the musaharati (or mesaharaty), and their job is to wake people for suhur. Accounts of their origin vary: one historian said the Mesaharati first appeared in Egypt during the Fatimid dynasty. In Damascus, around one hour before the call to prayer rings out at dawn, Ramadan drummers, known as Musaharati, walk through narrow streets to wake the faithful. The practice is declining: they include Hasan Al-Rashi, 60, one of the 30 Musaharati left in Damascus. Their methods also vary. In small villages a drummer will stop in front of each house and call the inhabitants by their name to wake them up for the meal. In Morocco, this tradition of drumming is usually passed down from father to son. In Gaza, they wear a traditional Palestinian costume, including a red hat and white scarf. In Istanbul, a revived ceremonial version has been described in which drummers are given Ottoman period clothes. The drummers are rewarded with gifts rather than wages: they do receive gifts, the Musaharati don't usually expect financial rewards.

The evidence I found on these customs is concentrated in the Middle East, Turkey and North Africa. For Europe and the Americas, the documented practices are mainly communal meals rather than drumming: in cities like Sarajevo, communal Iftars at mosques remain common, bringing neighbours together at long tables. In Western countries, community centers host diverse gatherings where Muslims share their traditional Ramadan foods with new friends. Sub-Saharan African practices are represented in the sources mainly by food, such as akara, crisp bean fritters, paired with pap, a smooth fermented corn pudding in parts of Nigeria.

Eid al-Fitr and the end of the month

Eid al-Fitr, whose name means "festival of breaking the fast," marks the end of Ramadan. It falls on the first day of Shawwal, the 10th month of the Islamic calendar. Because the lunar calendar is about ten to eleven days shorter than the solar year, the Islamic calendar moves approximately 10–11 days earlier relative to the Gregorian calendar each year, so the festival rotates through the seasons. The exact date is therefore not fixed in advance but depends on when the new crescent is seen.

Determining the first day of Shawwal

Classically, the start of Shawwal is established by sighting the new crescent at the close of Ramadan. Practice varies. In 2025, Saudi Arabia announced that the first day of Eid ul Fitr was the day after the Shawwal moon was sighted on Saturday evening, while Oman officially announced that the Shawwal moon was not sighted, and Eid ul Fitr would be celebrated on Monday, March 31. Authorities in Bangladesh, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei, and Australia confirmed the date based on astronomical data and local moon sighting efforts. Within a single country, sighting can be coordinated at several levels. In Pakistan, the Central Ruet-i-Hilal Committee, together with zonal committees, gathers to observe the Shawwal moon, with religious scholars, meteorological experts and officials reviewing sighting reports from across the country. Disagreement can also arise within a community. In 2023, in Guyana, one mosque did not accept the reported sightings and announced Eid for the following day.

The Eid prayer and sermon

The Eid prayer is a congregational service held shortly after sunrise. Unlike the five daily prayers, it has no adhan (call to prayer) or iqamah. Sources give slightly different counts of its additional glorifying utterances: one describes six takbirs in the first rak'ah and five in the second, while another gives seven extra takbirs in the first rak'ah and five in the second. The prayer may be performed from roughly mid-morning until midday, though it is better to offer the prayer in the early hours after sunrise. The sermon follows: it is a Sunnah to stay and listen to the Khutbah. Jurists disagree on the order of the sermon. It is permissible to give the sermon before the Eid prayer, but it is offensive because one left the sunna. In the Eid al-Fitr sermon, the imam typically reminds the community about the rulings related to Sadaqat al-Fitr (Zakat al-Fitr).

Zakat al-Fitr

Before the prayer, Muslims must pay Zakat al-Fitr, a small obligatory charity. It is given as food or its monetary equivalent for every household member. Typically, the head of the household pays as many shares as the number of people in the household. These charity payments can be made at any point until the beginning of Eid prayers. Its purpose is described as to purify the fast of any shortcomings that may have occurred due to lack of sincerity or error, and to provide food for the needy.

Customs of the day

The day begins with personal preparation. Men and women are encouraged to bathe on the morning of Eid before going out for prayer, and to dress in their best clothes, new if possible. Many Muslims eat dates before leaving for the prayer, a practice associated with the Prophet. Takbir begins at sunset on the last day of Ramadan (Eid night) and continues until the Eid prayer. Greetings are a central part of the festival. Muslims greet each other by saying 'Eid Mubarak', which is Arabic for "Blessed Eid". As it comes after a month of fasting, sweet dishes and foods are often prepared and consumed during the celebration. Families visit relatives and friends, and children receive gifts or money (Eidi). Worshippers also greet and embrace one another after the prayer, and Muslims are also encouraged to forgive each other and seek forgiveness.

Historical and state dimensions

Eid became part of public life in several polities. According to one account, the Caliph led prayers and distributed alms during vibrant processions. The Ottomans institutionalised Eid as a state event, with the sultan participating in prayers and distributing charity. A notable Ottoman custom was the "Eid greeting ceremony," where government officials and citizens exchanged well-wishes.

Comparison with Eid al-Adha

Eid al-Adha is the other major festival in Islam, and the two are often distinguished by their place in the ritual year. Eid al-Fitr falls on the 1st of Shawwal, while Eid al-Adha falls on the 10th of Dhul Hijjah. According to the Islamic calendar, this difference is two months and ten days. Eid al-Adha is tied to the pilgrimage: it commemorates the willingness of the Prophet Ibrahim (AS) to sacrifice his son Ismail (AS) in obedience to Allah, and coincides with the end of the Hajj pilgrimage. The two festivals also have different defining rites: Eid al-Fitr involves Zakat al-Fitr. Eid al-Adha involves Qurbani. Sources also differ on duration. Eid al-Fitr is usually one day, though one source says it may last one to three days, and another describes Eid al-Adha as lasting three days, while a different source gives four days. Popular language reflects the contrast in emphasis: Eid al-Fitr is often called the "lesser" or "smaller Eid", whereas Eid al-Adha is the "greater" or "big Eid."

Physiology, health and medical research

Daytime fasting produces a set of measurable changes in the body. One recent study of Ramadan fasting describes reduced circulating glucose, altered lipid metabolism, and shifts in insulin and glucagon secretion as predictable consequences of the pattern. In that study, median blood glucose in the fasting group fell from about 92 to 86 mg/dL at mid-month and rebounded toward baseline after the month ended. Longer daily fasts also appear to shift metabolism toward fat use: one review notes that Ramadan protocols of 14 to 18 hours of fasting per day move the body toward predominantly using fatty acids as fuel, which lowers body fat. Sleep and circadian timing change as well. In the same study, mid-Ramadan coincided with a reduction in sleep duration of approximately 1.5 hours per night and with the circadian displacement characteristic of the Ramadan schedule.

For people with diabetes the risks are more specific. Fasting can cause both high and low readings, since Ramadan fasting can result in both hyperglycemia and hypoglycemia. In a 2024 cross-sectional study of 88 people with type 2 diabetes, glycemic swings were linked to pre-Ramadan HbA1c levels and fatigue, while sleep quality was particularly associated with hyperglycemia. The authors suggest that clinicians encourage 7–8 hours of sleep and three meals a day, using low glycemic index foods, to limit both hypoglycemia and hyperglycemia. A small continuous-monitoring study of 18 patients on three or more drugs found no overall change in glucose control except prolonged post-iftar hyperglycemia, and it reported that intensive physical activity during fasting hours can increase the risk of hypoglycemia.

Medical guidance sorts patients by risk rather than by diagnosis alone. The 2021 International Diabetes Federation and Diabetes and Ramadan Alliance guidelines note that people with some illnesses, including some people with diabetes, can be exempted from fasting, but many will fast anyway, and they call for a pre-Ramadan assessment, ideally 6–8 weeks before the start of Ramadan. Most people with type 2 diabetes can fast with appropriate medical advice, whereas people with type 1 diabetes need special attention, and pregnant women with diabetes are advised not to fast. In chronic kidney disease the guidance is stricter: patients on haemodialysis or peritoneal dialysis should not be encouraged to fast, because fasting may lead to deterioration in CKD in susceptible patients due to dehydration. Clinicians are expected to guide these decisions; the general advice is to ask your doctor before Ramadan whether fasting is safe, and if a doctor advises against it, the person is excused. Researchers also stress that more data are needed for people with both type 1 diabetes and type 2 diabetes, people with diabetes who are elderly, pregnant, and those with pre-existing physical and mental health comorbidities.

The broader metabolic research gives a mixed but modest picture. A meta-analysis of 85 studies with 4,326 participants across 23 countries concluded that among healthy people, Ramadan diurnal intermittent fasting shows small improvement in waist circumference, systolic blood pressure, triglycerides, fasting glucose and HDL cholesterol. Earlier analyses had reported contradictory results, and effects on body composition remain inconsistent. Trials of intermittent fasting in general, which differ in structure from Ramadan, report larger effects; one meta-analysis of metabolic syndrome found a mean reduction of 3.59 kg in weight, but these figures cannot simply be transferred to the Ramadan fast. The limits of the evidence are clear: many studies are small and short, and the fasting load varies with season and latitude, from 11.5 hours in Australia to 20 hours in Norway in 2021.

Public health observations about eating, weight and healthcare use are less secure. Ramadan fasting is associated with changes in eating, physical activity, sleeping patterns, and medication, and the fasting period is shaped by fasting duration, temperature, working hours in some countries, physical activities, and sleep patterns. Fasting also significantly changes the usual eating patterns, which is why structured meal planning is often recommended for people with diabetes. Population-level data on weight and health service use during the month are far less consistent than the clinical studies of individuals, so claims about national trends in hospital visits or public health outcomes should be treated cautiously.

Ramadan in public life and modern states

Working hours and school schedules

In most Muslim-majority countries, the fast is handled through labour regulation and administrative circulars rather than one uniform national rule. The Gulf states have the most explicit caps. Muslim staff in Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and Oman are limited to six hours a day or 36 a week, and Kuwait applies a 36-hour weekly ceiling to all workers. Qatar limits work to 36 hours per week for everyone, and the Qatar Financial Centre specifically allows fasting staff shorter hours, not exceeding six hours per day. The UAE divides the rules by employer type: all employees see a daily reduction of two working hours during Ramadan, while in the Abu Dhabi Global Market, Muslim staff benefit from a 25% reduction in hours with unchanged pay. The federal two-hour cut was issued as a circular issued by the Minister of Labour, in implementation of the provision of Article 65 of Federal Law No.8 of 1980, which shows how the change rests on existing labour law.

Outside the Gulf, the pattern is looser. Egyptian government institutions typically run five to six hours a day during Ramadan, and Pakistani government offices usually follow five to six hour workdays. In Indonesia and Malaysia, there are no nationwide private sector cuts but many firms and government offices adjust schedules. Turkey has no official reduction, yet many companies shift hours so staff can start and finish earlier. Some regimes apply the rules only to Muslim employees, while others cover all staff, so the legal scope differs widely between countries.

Minority-Muslim settings: workplaces, hospitals and prisons

Where Muslims are a minority, there are typically no national policies regulating work hours during Ramadan. Accommodation then depends on law on religious discrimination and on employer practice. In the United States, employers are legally required to accommodate employees' religious observances, including those during Ramadan, unless doing so would create an undue hardship. A 2023 Supreme Court decision, Groff v. DeJoy, tightened the meaning of undue hardship, so an employer generally must show substantial increased costs rather than mere inconvenience. In a 2009 EEOC determination, giving workers an earlier dinner break to allow for fasting and prayer was found not to pose an undue hardship, and was therefore a reasonable accommodation. Typical measures include flexible policies such as shorter working hours or remote work options, and prayer rooms. Safety is a separate concern: one reported case involved an employee who became dizzy while operating heavy machinery, and the accommodation might be a later shift, after sundown, when the employee could work after eating.

In Europe, the approaches vary. Certain organizations in the UK and Germany allow Muslim workers to start earlier so they can leave earlier. Schools and universities also often adjust exam schedules for Muslim students. France, by contrast, has no special regulations for Ramadan due to its strong secularism policies, but some companies still offer leniency, such as longer breaks for iftar. Information on hospital and prison arrangements is less systematic; these settings usually depend on institutional policy on meal timing and staffing rather than on a single legal standard.

Economic effects

Ramadan changes when people spend more than how much they spend. Visa's analysis of card data from Gulf states found that in the U.A.E., transactions rise from 15.9% in a normal month to 26.9% during Ramadan. In Kuwait, the highest transaction activity occurs from 12:00 to 17:00, and again from 20:00 to 23:00, while the early morning period from 04:00 to 08:00 remains the least active. Consumption, then, is reorganised around the fast rather than simply increased.

Measured increases can be large. A panel study of Bangladeshi supermarket data by Md Zobraj Hosen reported a substantial purchase increase among Muslims during these periods— 40.6% during Ramadan and 76.3% for Eid. Industry estimates for Saudi Arabia are also high, with one market outlet reporting that food spending represents the largest share at 34% of total Ramadan expenditure, followed by clothing and fashion at 19%. Retail effects extend to advertising and tourism. Market reports note that companies boost offers and campaigns during Ramadan, and retailers rearrange shelves, introduce seasonal products, and intensify promotions. Most such figures come from market-research firms and payment companies, so they are best read as estimates rather than audited statistics.

Calendars, broadcasting and coordination

The start and end of Ramadan remain tied to the sighting of the crescent. The first day of Ramadan is traditionally marked by the sighting of the crescent moon with the naked eye. Because the date is not known in advance with certainty, governments often publish the announcement, the working-hour circulars and the timetable for fasting in a single official act, and these are coordinated among labour ministries, religious authorities and civil-service bodies. Calendars that rely on calculation or sighting committees therefore create a practical need for coordination, especially when work and school rules depend on the start date.

Broadcasting is another public marker. Arabic-language television schedules change during the month, with extended evening programmes, serial dramas and religious series concentrated in the post-iftar hours, and this programming shapes the daily rhythm of households and cafés alike.

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