{
  "id": "nationalism",
  "title": "Nationalism",
  "lang": "en",
  "source_lang": "en",
  "summary": "Nationalism is an ideology and political movement that treats the nation as a basis of collective identity, loyalty, and self-government.",
  "category": "society",
  "subcategory": "politics",
  "type": "concept",
  "aliases": [],
  "generated_at": "2026-10-13",
  "model": "pro/gpt-6.1-sol",
  "url": "https://aiwiki.page/en/nationalism/",
  "translations": {
    "zh-Hans": {
      "url": "https://aiwiki.page/zh/nationalism/",
      "json": "https://aiwiki.page/zh/nationalism.json"
    }
  },
  "sections": [
    {
      "heading": "",
      "text": "Nationalism is a family of ideas, sentiments, and political movements that regards the nation as a significant community and a basis for political legitimacy and self-government. Nationalists generally seek to preserve or strengthen national identity and to secure some measure of collective self-determination, which may take the form of an independent state or autonomy within a larger political framework. A nation is not necessarily identical to a state, an ethnic group, or a body of citizens, and national identity can draw on shared history, culture, language, institutions, and attachment to a homeland. (plato.stanford.edu)\n\nNationalism has shaped political mobilization, state formation, and movements for independence. It encompasses different understandings of membership and can combine with liberal, conservative, socialist, or religious ideas; it is therefore not synonymous with any single political regime. Its relationship with democracy involves questions about who constitutes the political community, while its relationship with human rights concerns the treatment of members, minorities, and outsiders. (plato.stanford.edu) National self-determination also became central to the international framework of decolonization established through the United Nations. (un.org)\n\nUnderstanding nationalism requires examining both the historical formation of nations and the institutions and everyday practices through which national belonging is reproduced. Its study brings together historical explanations, analysis of political movements, and philosophical questions about collective identity, self-government, and obligations beyond national boundaries. (cambridge.org)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "Meaning and Conceptual Boundaries",
      "text": "Nationalism has three distinguishable analytical meanings: an ideology, a political movement, and an attachment to a national community. As an ideology, it assigns political significance to the nation, commonly maintaining that national membership creates special obligations and that nations should exercise some form of self-government. As a movement, it denotes organized action to establish, preserve, or reshape that self-government. As an attachment, it describes identification with a nation and concern for its continuity or well-being. These meanings overlap without being interchangeable: emotional identification does not by itself specify an institutional program, while a nationalist organization translates claims about collective belonging into demands concerning political authority. Nationalism therefore need not mean either separatism or support for an existing state. (plato.stanford.edu)\n\nA nation is a community understood by its members as sharing a collective identity, often grounded in historical memories, public culture, territorial associations, and expectations of a common future. No single characteristic—language, religion, ancestry, or existing statehood—is an uncontested necessary and sufficient condition of nationhood. Ernest Renan’s 1882 lecture What Is a Nation?, for example, emphasized shared historical experience and continuing consent rather than racial or linguistic uniformity. Ethnicity concerns identification through perceived common origins and cultural distinctions; it may furnish resources for national identity but does not automatically entail a claim to political self-government. A state, by contrast, is an institutional organization exercising political authority over a territory and population. Nation-state describes the alignment, or claimed alignment, of this political organization with a national community, not proof that its population is culturally homogeneous. (plato.stanford.edu)\n\nCitizenship and nationality require particular care because their meanings depend on legal systems and linguistic conventions. Citizenship identifies membership in a political community and its associated rights and duties; nationality, in international legal usage, identifies a person’s legal bond with a state. The European Convention on Nationality, opened for signature on 6 November 1997, explicitly separates that bond from ethnic origin in Article 2. In other contexts, “nationality” can identify national or cultural belonging rather than legal status. The Council of Europe’s Parliamentary Assembly noted in Recommendation 1735 (2006) that European uses of “nation” range from the legally constituted body of citizens to a community defined through language, culture, and historical traditions. Consequently, common citizenship does not establish a shared national identification, and shared national identification does not establish common citizenship. (coe.int)\n\nPatriotism generally denotes attachment or loyalty to one’s country, whereas nationalism more specifically gives the national community political significance. The distinction is not absolute: “country” may refer to territory, institutions, a population, or a historically understood national community. Patriotic attachment can therefore overlap with national identification, but it need not include a demand for national self-government. Nor does loyalty to a country necessarily imply approval of its government; opposition to rulers can be expressed as fidelity to the country’s institutions or ideals. Neither term, in these broad analytical senses, necessarily entails national superiority or hostility toward outsiders. Defining patriotism as inherently benign and nationalism as inherently aggressive substitutes an evaluative contrast for distinctions among their objects, commitments, and political programs. (plato.stanford.edu)\n\nNational self-determination concerns a community’s ability to shape its political status and collective affairs; sovereignty concerns supreme political authority within a territory and independence from external authority. The former is a claim about collective agency, while the latter describes the authority of a political order. Nationalist programs may seek autonomy or arrangements under federalism rather than independent statehood. The stronger proposition that every nation requires its own sovereign state is therefore one nationalist position, not the definition of nationalism as a whole. Article 1 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights assigns self-determination to “peoples” and connects it with freely determining political status and pursuing economic, social, and cultural development; its wording does not identify each self-described nation with a separate state. (plato.stanford.edu)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "National Membership and Forms of Nationalism",
      "text": "Civic, ethnic, and cultural accounts of national membership identify different grounds of belonging. Civic accounts emphasize common citizenship, political institutions, and commitment to public laws; ethnic accounts emphasize descent and inherited affiliation; cultural accounts emphasize participation in a shared language, historical memory, and customary practices. These criteria can overlap: a national movement may welcome newcomers while expecting linguistic integration, or combine equal citizenship with narratives of common ancestry. Cultural membership is not necessarily genealogical, because languages and practices can be acquired. Conversely, formally civic membership does not by itself establish that all citizens are equally accepted as members of the national community. These are analytical distinctions, not mutually exclusive kinds of country. John Coakley’s 2018 assessment of the “Kohn dichotomy,” associated with historian Hans Kohn, treats civic and ethnic nationalism as ideal types rather than a categorical division between Western and non-Western societies. (plato.stanford.edu)\n\nA separate distinction concerns who mobilizes nationalism and toward what political objective. State-led nationalism seeks to consolidate a national community within an existing state, presenting its institutions and territory as expressions of collective identity. Minority nationalism advances the claims of a community that does not control the encompassing state; its objectives may include cultural recognition, territorial autonomy, federalism, or independence. Cultural protection and sovereign statehood are therefore distinct goals. In The Limits of Nationalism (2003), Chaim Gans distinguishes statist nationalism, which values national integration in relation to political objectives, from cultural nationalism, which seeks the preservation of national cultures without necessarily requiring a separate state for each. (assets.cambridge.org) Independence movements supply a different institutional objective from autonomy: in Scotland’s referendum of September 18, 2014, 44.7% voted for independence and 55.3% against it. (commonslibrary.parliament.uk)\n\nUnification nationalism seeks to bring separate political jurisdictions into one national state, rather than divide an existing state. It can combine popular mobilization with action by established governments: German unification in 1871 produced an empire comprising 25 constituent states under Prussian leadership. (bundestag.de) Territorial nationalism takes a bounded homeland or existing political territory as its principal framework. Other projects organize allegiance around a dispersed population or a linguistic-cultural community extending across borders. Diaspora attachment need not imply that all members should migrate to one territory or share one citizenship; cultural continuity and political sovereignty remain separable objectives. (assets.cambridge.org) Pan-Arab nationalism illustrates a wider cultural framework that could also generate a unification program: Egypt and Syria formed the United Arab Republic on February 1, 1958, as an attempt to translate Arab unity into a common state. (jstor.org)\n\nNationalist programs also differ through their combination with other political doctrines. Liberal nationalism connects national attachment with individual rights, constitutional government, and democracy; Yael Tamir’s Liberal Nationalism (1993) is a prominent philosophical formulation. (plato.stanford.edu) Conservative nationalism emphasizes inherited institutions, historical continuity, and national traditions as sources of cohesion. Socialist nationalism connects national political goals with socialist commitments concerning ownership, redistribution, or class relations; these ideological combinations concern the organization of society, not simply the criteria for national membership. (media.hachettelearning.com) Religious nationalism gives religion a constitutive role in national identity or political authority, whereas religion can also function primarily as a cultural marker without determining a nationalist program’s institutional demands. Comparative research accordingly distinguishes several national–religious configurations rather than treating religious nationalism as one uniform doctrine. (cambridge.org) None of these labels specifies, by itself, whether a movement seeks autonomy, independence, or unification, or whether its membership rules emphasize citizenship, culture, or descent; those dimensions require separate examination. (cambridge.org)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "Intellectual Origins and Revolutionary Transformations",
      "text": "Dynastic allegiance, religious solidarity, and attachment to a territory supplied materials later incorporated into national ideologies, but did not necessarily make the nation the source of legitimate political authority. Early modern subjects could defend a kingdom while understanding their obligations through monarchy, confession, or provincial privileges. The Dutch revolt against Spanish rule, beginning in the sixteenth century, illustrates the interaction of territorial resistance, religious divisions, and political independence before the revolutionary era. Historians disagree about whether such cases constitute earlier nationalism or antecedents of its modern forms; evidence of collective identity alone does not establish a program of national sovereignty. (tile.loc.gov)\n\nThe Enlightenment contributed both universal principles of legitimate government and arguments about historically distinctive peoples. Its contribution was therefore not a single doctrine from which nationalism followed automatically. In revolutionary politics, rights and consent made it possible to represent inhabitants as citizens authorizing government rather than subjects owing allegiance to a ruler. Meanwhile, Johann Gottfried Herder emphasized the historical formation of thought through language and cultural experience. His This Too a Philosophy of History for the Formation of Humanity (1774) and Ideas for the Philosophy of the History of Humanity (1784–1791) challenged the measurement of all societies against one civilization’s standards. His collection Volkslieder (1778–1779) drew on poetry from multiple peoples. Cultural distinctiveness, in this account, should not be equated with a uniform demand for independent national states or with later doctrines of German supremacy. (archives.gov)\n\nThe American Declaration of Independence, adopted on July 4, 1776, joined two claims: legitimate government depended on the consent of the governed, and the thirteen colonies were entitled to become independent states. Its invocation of a people separating from another political community supplied a language of collective political agency without making common ancestry or language the decisive criterion. Independence nevertheless did not immediately produce a homogeneous American national identity. Regional loyalties and disagreements about political institutions remained important, and national belonging became an object of argument rather than a settled consequence of separation from Britain. (archives.gov)\n\nThe French Revolution gave national authority an explicit constitutional formulation. Article 3 of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, adopted on August 26, 1789, located sovereignty in the nation; Article 6 described law as the expression of the general will and recognized citizens’ participation personally or through representatives. The mechanism was a transfer of authority from hereditary rule to a collective body represented through political institutions. Revolutionary efforts to reshape moral habits through civic festivals, education, and theatre also treated citizenship as something to be cultivated. During the Napoleonic period, conquest spread institutional reforms while provoking opposition to foreign domination. Napoleon’s imperial project should not simply be identified with national self-government: its demands for obedience to the emperor differed from revolutionary claims about citizens constituting political authority. (elysee.fr)\n\nJohann Gottlieb Fichte delivered his fourteen Addresses to the German Nation in Berlin during the winter of 1807–1808, under French occupation. He proposed national regeneration through education, connecting German language and historical continuity with moral renewal. His German nation extended beyond the existing principalities, but the addresses did not present a straightforward plan for a unified German state. Giuseppe Mazzini supplied a more explicit organizational program: Young Italy, founded in 1831, sought Italian unification under republican government. In The Duties of Man, he treated the country as the practical association through which individuals could cooperate in humanity’s progress, while placing duties to humanity before duties to country. (en.wikisource.org)\n\nErnest Renan reconsidered national membership in What Is a Nation?, delivered at the Sorbonne on March 11, 1882. He rejected race, language, religion, and geographical boundaries as individually sufficient foundations. Instead, he paired a shared inheritance of memories and sacrifices with the present desire to continue living together, expressed through the metaphor of a “daily plebiscite.” This was not a proposal for daily voting, but an emphasis on continuing consent. Renan also argued that historical forgetting—including forgetting violence involved in political unification—helped constitute nations, distinguishing national solidarity from exhaustive historical remembrance. (classiques.uqam.ca)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "Nineteenth-Century Europe: Unification and Imperial Nationalities",
      "text": "Italian unification joined revolutionary mobilization to the diplomacy and military resources of an established monarchy. Giuseppe Mazzini’s republican movement helped organize the national cause, but the decisive territorial gains occurred under Piedmont-Sardinia. Its prime minister, Camillo Cavour, secured French assistance against Austria in 1859, obtaining Lombardy; insurrections and annexation plebiscites subsequently brought central Italian territories into the kingdom. In 1860 Giuseppe Garibaldi’s Expedition of the Thousand conquered Sicily and the southern mainland, but transferred these gains to Victor Emmanuel II rather than establishing a republic. Parliament proclaimed the Kingdom of Italy on 17 March 1861. Venetia followed in 1866 and Rome in 1870. The new kingdom inherited Piedmont’s 1848 constitution, illustrating how a movement with republican and democratic components could culminate in constitutional monarchy. (treccani.it)\n\nIn Germany, the Frankfurt National Assembly of 1848–1849 attempted to combine national unity with constitutional rights. It adopted fundamental rights in December 1848 and proposed a federal empire excluding Austria, but failed to establish the new state. Unification subsequently proceeded through Prussian power under Otto von Bismarck: wars against Denmark in 1864, Austria in 1866, and France in 1870–1871 altered the balance among German states. Austria’s exclusion and the North German Confederation provided the institutional basis for southern accession; Wilhelm I was proclaimed emperor on 18 January 1871. The imperial constitution combined federalism and an elected Reichstag with substantial monarchical authority. National unification therefore did not entail parliamentary control of the executive. (bundestag.de)\n\nWithin the Habsburg monarchy, national programs included reforming the empire as well as separating from it. In 1848 the Czech historian František Palacký advocated preserving a reorganized monarchy as protection for smaller Slav peoples against German and Russian predominance. Such Austro-Slavism differed from projects demanding independent national states. The Compromise of 1867 established Austria-Hungary, with separate Austrian and Hungarian political institutions but a common monarch and shared foreign, military, and associated financial affairs. It accommodated Hungarian demands without granting equivalent status to the Czechs. The Croatian–Hungarian Settlement of 1868 offered another, more limited arrangement for autonomy. These negotiations show that national mobilization could produce differentiated constitutional accommodations rather than an inevitable sequence toward imperial dissolution. (cambridge.org)\n\nGreek independence depended on both insurrection and international intervention. The uprising against the Ottoman Empire began in 1821; British, French, and Russian fleets destroyed the Ottoman–Egyptian fleet at Navarino in 1827. The London Protocol of 3 February 1830 recognized an independent Greek state, followed by arrangements establishing a monarchy in 1832. Ottoman governments nevertheless pursued imperial integration through the Tanzimat reforms: the decrees of 1839 and 1856 promised legal equality across religious communities, while the constitution of 1876 introduced representative institutions before its suspension in 1878. National independence and a reformed, common Ottoman political membership thus represented competing responses to imperial problems. (en.wikisource.org)\n\nPolish movements confronted partition rather than political fragmentation of the Italian or German kind. The November uprising of 1830 developed into war against Russia, while the January uprising of 1863 relied heavily on insurgent warfare. Its underground authorities appealed to inhabitants of Lithuania and Ruthenian lands as well as Poland, linking national restoration to peasant emancipation and a historically extensive territorial project. Defeat was followed by intensified Russification. Polish national activity subsequently included education, economic organization, and cultural preservation alongside conspiratorial and insurrectionary strategies; national continuity did not require an uninterrupted independent state. (unvis.it)\n\nIn the Balkans, territorial settlements combined national claims with great-power expansion. After the Russo-Ottoman war of 1877–1878, the Treaty of Berlin recognized Serbian, Romanian, and Montenegrin independence, established Bulgaria as an autonomous tributary principality, and retained Eastern Rumelia under Ottoman sovereignty with administrative autonomy. It also authorized Austro-Hungarian occupation and administration of Bosnia and Herzegovina. These distinct arrangements fell short of a uniform principle assigning each nation an independent state. Elsewhere, national consolidation coexisted with overseas empire: Germany began acquiring colonies in 1884. Constitutional government, national mobilization, dynastic interests, and imperial domination were therefore overlapping features of nineteenth-century state-building. (sourcebooks.web.fordham.edu)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "The Americas and Settler Nation-Building",
      "text": "Spanish American independence involved competing claims to political authority rather than the liberation of already unified nations. After Napoleon displaced the Spanish monarchy in 1808, American-born elites of European descent, commonly called creoles, participated in governing juntas; some initially claimed to act for the captive Ferdinand VII. Creoles themselves divided between royalists and independence supporters, while revolutionary coalitions also depended on populations excluded from elite political leadership. Simón Bolívar’s campaigns linked military liberation to a larger territorial project: the republic established in 1819, subsequently known as Gran Colombia, united territories encompassing present-day Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, and Panama. Venezuela and Ecuador separated in 1830, and the union dissolved in 1831. Independence thus left unresolved the scale of national membership and the distribution of authority between regional leaders and central governments. (openstax.org)\n\nBrazil followed a different institutional route. The Portuguese court’s relocation to Rio de Janeiro in 1808 gave the colony royal administrative institutions before separation. In 1822, Prince Pedro declared independence with support from Brazilian elites, including José Bonifácio de Andrada e Silva, and became Emperor Pedro I. The monarchy supplied a framework for territorial unity, but regional alternatives persisted: the Confederation of the Equator, proclaimed in Pernambuco in 1824, proposed a federation of northeastern provinces against imperial centralization. Political independence did not abolish slavery, which remained legal until 1888. The national project therefore joined claims of Brazilian sovereignty to a social order in which enslaved people lacked the freedom enjoyed by other inhabitants. (openstax.org)\n\nIn the United States, the Civil War of 1861–1865 brought rival national projects into armed conflict. The Confederacy sought an independent state whose formation centrally involved the defense of slavery; the Union initially fought primarily to preserve the existing republic. Abraham Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation of January 1, 1863, connected Union victory with emancipation, although abolition everywhere required the Thirteenth Amendment in 1865. Reconstruction then recast national membership: the Fourteenth Amendment of 1868 established citizenship for persons born or naturalized in the country and subject to its jurisdiction, while the Fifteenth Amendment of 1870 prohibited voting discrimination based on race, color, or previous servitude. These changes made federal guarantees central to formerly enslaved people’s claims to belong to the political nation, but subsequent discrimination and restrictive judicial decisions limited their practical effect. (home.nps.gov)\n\nFederalism provided another means of combining regional communities without eliminating their institutional differences. Canadian Confederation in 1867 joined Ontario, Quebec, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick within the British Empire rather than immediately creating an independent state. Provincial institutions accommodated Quebec’s French-speaking population, while constitutional provisions permitted French and English in specified legislatures and courts. In Latin America, Argentina’s 1853 constitution likewise adopted a federal republic. Its Article 25 explicitly directed the federal government to encourage European immigration, placing population recruitment within the constitutional program of national development. These arrangements illustrate different mechanisms: Canadian federation institutionalized linguistic and provincial accommodation, whereas Argentina combined federal organization with an explicitly European-oriented immigration policy. (canada.ca)\n\nSettler nation-building also established unequal routes to membership for Indigenous peoples and immigrants. Canada’s Indian Act of 1876 consolidated federal control over First Nations membership, reserve lands, and local government within an assimilationist policy; its descent rules also differentiated status by sex. In the United States, the Dawes Act of 1887 divided tribal lands into individual allotments and linked specified routes to citizenship with allotment or separation from tribal life. The Indian Citizenship Act of 1924 extended citizenship to remaining noncitizen Native Americans born within the country, without immediately removing state voting barriers. Immigration operated through different exclusions: the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 suspended Chinese labor immigration and prohibited courts from naturalizing Chinese residents. Birth, naturalization, tribal affiliation, voting eligibility, and social recognition consequently remained distinct dimensions of national membership. (publications.gc.ca)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "National Movements in Asia, Africa, and the Middle East",
      "text": "In Japan, the Meiji Restoration of 1868 made imperial authority the organizing center of a modern national state. Its leaders adopted foreign institutions to strengthen Japanese independence rather than simply rejecting Western influence. The Education System Order of 1872 established a framework for nationwide schooling intended to develop national consciousness and the skills required by government and industry. Fukuzawa Yukichi’s An Encouragement of Learning, published from 1872, connected individual education with national strength. National integration thus proceeded substantially through state-directed reform, although the new educational system initially encountered resistance over costs and compulsory attendance. (en.wikipedia.org)\n\nIn China, national reconstruction involved replacing dynastic government and resisting foreign encroachment. The 1911 Revolution brought down the Qing dynasty, and Sun Yat-sen became provisional president of the republic in January 1912. Republican institutions did not immediately overcome military fragmentation or foreign influence. The May Fourth Movement began with student demonstrations in Beijing on May 4, 1919, against the peace settlement’s transfer of former German interests in Shandong to Japan. Student organizing, commercial boycotts, and worker participation connected diplomatic grievances with demands for political and cultural renewal. Calls for science and democracy became associated with national regeneration, while subsequent Nationalist and Communist movements developed competing programs for achieving it. (tile.loc.gov)\n\nIn India, the Indian National Congress, founded in 1885, provided an all-India organizational forum, but the independence movement encompassed differing definitions of the nation and methods of political action. Mahatma Gandhi expanded participation through noncooperation, boycotts of British goods, and civil disobedience; the 1930 Salt March turned a colonial monopoly and tax into an accessible focus of protest. Congress adopted complete independence as its goal in 1929, and its leadership demanded a united independent India. The All-India Muslim League, founded in 1906 initially to secure Muslim political representation, later mobilized under Muhammad Ali Jinnah for Muslim self-determination and Pakistan. Gandhi’s cooperation with the Khilafat movement in 1919–1922 demonstrated that alliances across religious constituencies were possible, but Congress and the League eventually advanced incompatible territorial programs. (ignca.gov.in)\n\nArab nationalism developed a different relationship between cultural community and political territory. Satiʿ al-Husri argued that a shared Arabic language constituted a nation that should possess political unity, rather than treating the existing states as the necessary boundaries of national belonging. Under Gamal Abdel Nasser, the union of Egypt and Syria in the United Arab Republic in 1958 supplied a concrete institutional experiment; Syria withdrew in 1961. Arab unity therefore competed with the institutions and interests of separate territorial states. Its intended constituency was Arabic-speaking peoples, not all inhabitants of the Middle East or all adherents of Islam. (assets.press.princeton.edu)\n\nTurkish and Iranian projects followed distinct institutional trajectories. In Turkey, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’s republic, proclaimed on October 29, 1923, replaced the Ottoman monarchy with a territorially bounded national state. Language reform—including adoption of a Latin-based alphabet in 1928—became an instrument of national reconstruction. In Iran, the Constitutional Revolution of 1905–1911 established a parliament and constitutional monarchy while combining opposition to arbitrary government with concern over foreign interference. Reza Shah’s rule in 1925–1941 pursued centralized administration, education, and a powerful army, largely at the expense of the revolution’s constitutional objectives. Iranian identity also drew on Persian cultural traditions and pre-Islamic history, rather than the Arabic-language basis of Arab nationalism. (tile.loc.gov)\n\nIn Ghana, Kwame Nkrumah’s Convention People’s Party, established in 1949, combined strikes and nonviolent “positive action” with electoral organization: its victory in 1951 helped advance self-government before independence in 1957. In Algeria, the National Liberation Front’s campaign beginning on November 1, 1954, instead combined armed insurgency with efforts to internationalize the independence struggle. Independence followed in 1962. Both movements sought sovereign territorial states, but their methods differed. Pan-Africanism addressed a wider constituency: Nkrumah participated in the 1945 Manchester Pan-African Congress and advocated political unity beyond Ghana’s borders. Continental solidarity and territorial independence were thus connected objectives, not identical projects. (kinginstitute.stanford.edu)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "World Wars, Fascism, and the Interwar Settlement",
      "text": "Nationalism contributed to World War I through both challenges to multinational empires and governments’ determination to defend national power and prestige. The assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand at Sarajevo on 28 June 1914 precipitated a crisis in which Austria-Hungary confronted Serbia, whose support for South Slav nationalism threatened Habsburg authority. The escalation nevertheless depended on decisions made within a wider setting of imperial rivalry, military competition, opposing alliances, and earlier diplomatic crises; nationalism alone does not explain why governments chose war. Once fighting began, recruitment campaigns translated national attachment into demands for service and sacrifice. British wartime propaganda portrayed refusal to participate as indifference to others’ sacrifices or an obstruction to the national effort, although volunteers’ motivations also included friendship, adventure, and economic circumstances. (tnaqa.mirrorweb.com)\n\nThe postwar settlement combined national claims with strategic bargaining among the victorious powers. At the Paris Peace Conference, opened in January 1919, Woodrow Wilson opposed several territorial arrangements previously negotiated among the Allies, including Italian demands in the Adriatic. The Treaty of Versailles, signed on 28 June 1919, required Germany to surrender approximately one-tenth of its prewar European territory and all its overseas possessions, imposed military restrictions, and established liability for reparations. The amount of reparations—132 billion gold marks—was fixed in 1921 rather than in the treaty itself. Its incorporation of the League of Nations Covenant placed these territorial changes alongside a proposed system of collective security, although the United States never joined the organization. (history.state.gov)\n\nMinority-protection arrangements recognized that territorial settlements did not produce uniformly national populations. The treaty signed with Poland on 28 June 1919 guaranteed equality before the law and civil and political rights without distinctions of race, language, or religion. Articles 8 and 9 protected minority institutions and provided for primary-school instruction in minority languages where a considerable proportion of residents spoke them, while permitting compulsory teaching of Polish. Article 12 placed these obligations under League guarantee and allowed disputes to reach the Permanent Court of International Justice. Protection thus operated through specific international obligations imposed on participating states, rather than through a universal minority-rights regime applicable equally to every League member. (history.state.gov)\n\nFascism was a particular authoritarian nationalist program, not a synonym for nationalism generally. Fascist movements combined an exclusive conception of national unity with militarism, rejection of parliamentary democracy, and leadership claiming to embody the national will. They subordinated individual rights to the national community and treated political opponents and designated outsiders as threats to its strength. Benito Mussolini became Italian prime minister in October 1922 following the March on Rome; Adolf Hitler became German chancellor in January 1933. In Germany, the March 1933 Enabling Act furnished a central legal instrument for dismantling parliamentary government. These developments involved the destruction of institutions and rights, not simply intensified patriotic attachment. (encyclopedia.ushmm.org)\n\nIn Nazi Germany, membership in the Volksgemeinschaft, or national community, was defined through purported racial descent. The Nuremberg Laws of 15 September 1935 reserved Reich citizenship for people classified as possessing German or related blood and prohibited marriages and sexual relations between Jews and non-Jewish Germans. Jewish ancestry, rather than religious practice or personal identification, determined exclusion. Territorial policy joined claims to unite ethnic Germans with wider imperial conquest: Germany annexed Austria in March 1938, acquired the Sudetenland under the September Munich Agreement, and occupied the Czech lands in March 1939. The latter occupation demonstrated that expansion extended beyond incorporating German-speaking populations. (encyclopedia.ushmm.org)\n\nWorld War II brought millions more Jews under German control and enabled the radicalization of persecution into systematic mass murder. Following the invasion of the Soviet Union in summer 1941, German forces carried out mass shootings of Jewish men, women, and children in occupied territories. Deportations and killing centers using poison gas became additional mechanisms of the “Final Solution.” The Holocaust encompassed Nazi persecution beginning in 1933 and the systematic murder of six million Jews by the Nazis and their collaborators and allies. Its implementation depended on dictatorship, racial ideology, territorial conquest, and organized participation in persecution and killing—not national identification by itself. (encyclopedia.ushmm.org)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "Decolonization and Postcolonial States",
      "text": "After World War II, national liberation movements confronted colonial governments whose military authority and international position had been weakened by the conflict. Japanese occupation had displaced European administrations across Southeast Asia; after Japan’s surrender in 1945, nationalist organizations resisted the restoration of colonial rule. Negotiation, mass political mobilization, and armed struggle produced different routes to independence rather than a single sequence of imperial withdrawal. Between 1945 and 1960, approximately three dozen Asian and African states achieved autonomy or independence. The emerging Cold War complicated this process: the United States supported self-determination while maintaining alliances with European colonial powers, and concern about communist expansion influenced its responses to liberation movements. Decolonization therefore depended on organized local challenges as well as changes in the resources and strategic calculations of imperial governments. (history.state.gov)\n\nThe United Nations Charter of 1945 provided an international framework without immediately requiring the dissolution of colonial empires. Article 1(2) recognized the principle of peoples’ equal rights and self-determination; Article 73 required administering powers to promote inhabitants’ welfare, develop self-government, and transmit information about non-self-governing territories. Article 76 identified advancement toward self-government or independence as an objective of the trusteeship system. At the organization’s founding, approximately 750 million people—nearly one-third of the world’s population—lived in territories dependent on colonial powers. (un.org) On 14 December 1960, the General Assembly adopted Resolution 1514 (XV), the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, by 89 votes to none, with nine abstentions. It affirmed self-determination and called for the transfer of power to dependent peoples. Newly independent states helped transform the Assembly into a forum for advancing these demands; a special committee established in 1961 monitored implementation. (legal.un.org)\n\nIndependence frequently converted colonial administrative territories into sovereign states rather than aligning borders with a single linguistic or ethnic community. In Africa, inherited boundaries sometimes divided related populations or combined several communities within one jurisdiction. Redrawing them, however, risked competing territorial claims and interstate conflict. At its Cairo summit of 17–21 July 1964, the Organization of African Unity adopted Resolution AHG/Res.16(I), committing member states to respect the borders existing when they achieved independence. This policy treated inherited territorial units as the basis of interstate order, without asserting that each contained a culturally homogeneous nation. Postcolonial nationalism thus often sought to construct political solidarity within existing boundaries rather than create a separate state for every ethnic group. (legal.un.org)\n\nThe transfer of sovereignty did not itself complete nation-building. Establishing representative institutions, defining citizenship, and connecting diverse populations to a common political order remained distinct tasks. In India, the constitution that came into force on 26 January 1950 established institutions through which national membership could acquire practical political expression. Its original Article 326 provided adult suffrage for citizens aged twenty-one or older, subject to specified disqualifications, and the first general election followed in 1951–1952. The Supreme Court, created when the constitution commenced, supplied a national judicial institution. These arrangements linked independence to participation and constitutional authority, rather than making cultural uniformity a prerequisite for membership; their establishment was an institutional stage, not evidence that national integration was already complete. (constitutionofindia.net)\n\nNational independence also supported projects of international solidarity. At Bandung in April 1955, representatives of twenty-nine Asian and African governments endorsed sovereignty, non-interference, peaceful coexistence, and economic and cultural cooperation. These commitments combined protection of separate states with collective opposition to colonial domination. (history.state.gov) The Non-Aligned Movement, formally established at the Belgrade summit of 1–6 September 1961 with twenty-five participating countries, sought room for independent action outside the Cold War blocs. Jawaharlal Nehru, Gamal Abdel Nasser, Josip Broz Tito, Sukarno, and Kwame Nkrumah were central to its formation. Its cooperative agenda did not require the merger of member states or abandonment of national projects: diplomatic coordination and economic cooperation were instruments for sustaining independence and development. (nam.go.ug)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "State Institutions and National Integration",
      "text": "Administrative centralization makes national authority operative through officials, courts, and procedures extending beyond the capital. In France, Napoleon Bonaparte’s law of 17 February 1800 established a hierarchy of prefects and subordinate administrators, replacing elected administration with appointed officials responsible to the central government. The Civil Code, promulgated on 21 March 1804, standardized rules governing property, contracts, and family relations across territories previously governed by different legal traditions. These measures integrated administration and law without establishing democratic participation or equal rights in every domain. National membership can also be organized through decentralized institutions: Article 37 of the Swiss Constitution connects Swiss citizenship to citizenship of a commune and its canton, embedding national status within nested territorial communities. (napoleon.org)\n\nMass education and compulsory military service brought institutions into repeated contact with populations whose everyday lives remained locally organized. Jules Ferry’s French education law of 28 March 1882 required instruction for children aged six to thirteen, permitting public schooling, private schooling, or instruction at home. Its prescribed subjects included reading and writing, French, moral and civic instruction, and geography and history emphasizing France. It therefore connected literacy with knowledge of a shared political territory; attendance registers, municipal school commissions, and examinations provided mechanisms for enforcement. Military recruitment similarly registered young men and subjected them to common training and discipline. French reforms progressively broadened service after 1872; the 1905 legislation established two-year service for men with few exceptions. Its integrative reach was consequently gendered, and earlier exemptions and recruitment arrangements limited the uniformity of military experience. (education.gouv.fr)\n\nCensuses and official maps made populations and territory administratively comparable, but their classifications could institutionalize inequality rather than simply record a pre-existing national community. The United States census of 1850 named free inhabitants individually while generally recording enslaved people on separate schedules under slaveholders’ names, with age, sex, and racial classification rather than personal names. Inclusion in a population count thus did not imply equal civic membership. Territorial surveys likewise served practical state purposes before acquiring wider public uses. Britain’s Ordnance Survey dates its foundation to 1791, when surveying was developed in response to military concerns about French invasion; its first published map, of Kent, appeared in 1801. Standardized surveys supplied shared geographical reference points for administration, transport planning, and navigation. (archives.gov)\n\nTransport infrastructure and internal markets expanded the material connections through which integration could occur. The German Zollverein, established in 1834, removed customs barriers among participating states and adopted common external tariffs. Meanwhile, German railways expanded from the Nuremberg–Fürth line of 1835 to approximately 6,000 kilometres of track by 1850, enlarging goods markets and personal mobility before political unification. These connections created opportunities for wider communication without making a single national state an automatic outcome. Urbanization also enlarged concentrations of people drawn from different localities: the 1920 United States census was the first to classify more than half the population as urban, using the contemporary threshold of 2,500 inhabitants. That demographic measure describes a condition for interaction, not a direct measurement of national attachment. (bpb.de)\n\nInstitutional integration need not require complete cultural assimilation. Switzerland’s constitutional language arrangements combine federalism with multilingualism: German, French, and Italian are federal official languages, while Romansh has official status in communication with Romansh speakers; cantons determine their own official languages while respecting traditional linguistic territories and indigenous linguistic minorities. Such accommodation differs from policies privileging one language throughout public institutions. Formal policy must nevertheless be distinguished from outcomes. In a 1995 study of Flemish-speaking northern France, historian Tim Baycroft found that political loyalty to France became established between major phases of French-language expansion before 1860 and after 1945. Flemish persisted in economic, religious, and educational settings, demonstrating that administrative incorporation and national loyalty could precede linguistic assimilation by decades. (parlament.ch)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "Language, Cultural Production, and Historical Memory",
      "text": "Language standardization gives national cultural projects a reproducible written medium: grammars codify usage, dictionaries delimit vocabulary, and publishers circulate forms intelligible beyond individual dialects. In Norway, Ivar Aasen’s Det norske Folkesprogs Grammatik (1848) and Ordbog over det norske Folkesprog (1850), the latter containing nearly 24,000 entries, drew on regional speech to establish the foundations of Landsmål, subsequently called Nynorsk. This was a constructed written standard rather than the transcription of a single locality’s speech. Vernacular publishing also creates connections among geographically dispersed readers. Benedict Anderson described how commercially circulated print languages consolidated communication across spoken varieties, enabling readers to conceive of themselves as members of a larger community; the mechanism did not require those readers to meet personally. (nynorsk.no)\n\nNational literary canons transform selected texts into evidence of cultural continuity, but their composition must be distinguished from the antiquity of their source material. Elias Lönnrot’s Kalevala, published in 1835 and substantially expanded in 1849, became Finland’s national epic through the literary arrangement of material collected from oral traditions. Its sources included Karelian, Finnish, and Ingrian poetry. Lönnrot constructed characters, organized a continuous plot, and modified poetic language; the resulting epic was not an unchanged ancient document. Its heroes and accounts of origins consequently provide evidence of nineteenth-century cultural interpretation, not independent verification of prehistoric events. The Finnish Literature Society also identifies disagreement over whose heritage the work represents, illustrating how national canonization can obscure the distinct communities that supplied its materials. (finlit.fi)\n\nFlags, anthems, public holidays, and commemorative rituals connect political institutions with recognizable images, sounds, and dates. Their meanings accumulate through adoption, interruption, and reuse rather than remaining fixed from inception. France’s blue–white–red flag received its definitive arrangement in 1794, disappeared under the restored monarchy, and returned in 1830. Rouget de Lisle composed La Marseillaise in 1792 as a war song; it became a national song in 1795 and was adopted again as the national anthem in 1879. The establishment of 14 July as the national holiday in 1880 linked the Third Republic to revolutionary precedents. Parliamentary discussion encompassed both the Bastille’s capture in 1789 and the Festival of Federation in 1790, allowing the date to signify insurrection as well as national reconciliation. Repeated ceremonies made these selected episodes publicly recurrent. (elysee.fr)\n\nMuseums, monuments, and visual art give historical selection a material form. The Louvre became a public museum in 1793, displaying royal collections and works confiscated from emigrant nobles; Alexandre Lenoir’s Museum of French Monuments, founded in 1795, made the preservation and presentation of French heritage an institutional project. Jacques-Louis David’s Marat Assassinated (1793) represented a contemporary revolutionary figure through imagery associated with religious martyrdom, turning a political death into an exemplary image. Commemoration can also organize collective memory around suffering rather than victory. The Vietnam Veterans Memorial, dedicated in 1982, originally bore 57,939 names. Its individualized inscriptions recognized losses from a divisive war without requiring a single agreed interpretation of that war’s political meaning. (mini-site.louvre.fr)\n\nMusic and film can narrate national experience while circulating beyond national borders. Jean Sibelius’s Finlandia developed from the closing tableau of the 1899 Finnish Press Celebrations, which supported press freedom; its revised orchestral version followed in 1900. Gillo Pontecorvo’s The Battle of Algiers (1966), an Italian–Algerian production, dramatized the Algerian liberation struggle and encountered censorship in France. Heritage preservation likewise permits competing interpretations of the past. Mostar’s Old Bridge, destroyed in 1993 and rebuilt in 2004 through international cooperation, was designated by UNESCO as a symbol of coexistence among cultural, ethnic, and religious communities. This designation frames the reconstructed monument as shared heritage rather than the exclusive historical possession of one national community. (helsinginkaupunginorkesteri.fi)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "Everyday Nationalism and Social Participation",
      "text": "Michael Billig introduced banal nationalism in his 1995 book of that name to explain how established nations are reproduced through habitual, often unnoticed reminders of belonging. His characteristic example was the flag hanging outside a public building rather than the flag deliberately waved at a demonstration. “Banal” describes the routine operation of these reminders, not their political insignificance or harmlessness. Billig argued that familiar symbols and linguistic assumptions keep national membership available as a framework for understanding public affairs, even when people are not consciously thinking about national identity. (sagepub.com)\n\nIn journalism, this mechanism operates through the presumed national audience: references to “our” country or team, distinctions between domestic and foreign affairs, and reports that leave the national context unstated because readers are expected to recognize it. Weather forecasts similarly make national territory a habitual spatial frame, although atmospheric conditions do not follow political boundaries. Billig examined British newspapers from a single randomly selected day to demonstrate how frequently nationhood was mentioned or presupposed outside explicitly nationalist commentary. Such examples concern the organization of attention: the nation becomes the ordinary unit within which events, places, and collective interests are presented. (onlinelibrary.wiley.com)\n\nJon E. Fox and Cynthia Miller-Idriss’s 2008 research programme shifted attention toward ordinary people’s active production of nationhood. They distinguished four overlapping practices: talking, choosing, performing, and consuming the nation. National categories may enter casual explanations of behaviour, influence choices of schools or social environments, become enacted through collective performances, or acquire material form through consumer goods. Nationally marked foods, clothing, music, and other products allow belonging to be encountered through taste, appearance, and familiar habits rather than explicit political declarations. The approach distinguishes the availability of national categories from their actual use: everyday life is not necessarily experienced nationally at every moment. (journals.sagepub.com)\n\nSporting events provide concentrated occasions for such participation without ensuring a uniform response. In a 2006 ethnographic study, Fox examined Romanian and Hungarian university students in Cluj, Romania, comparing national-holiday commemorations with international football competitions. His analysis treated audiences as participants who could constitute, reinterpret, or avoid collective belonging, rather than as passive recipients of official symbolism. Supporting a team, watching matches together, and responding to results can make national distinctions socially salient; avoiding commemorations can reveal their limited appeal. In this ethnically mixed regional setting, neither previous generations’ nationalism nor the organizers’ intentions determined how students experienced the events. (doi.org)\n\nSocialization also proceeds through families, workplaces, voluntary associations, and local communities, where people negotiate acceptable speech, shared practices, and membership boundaries. These settings can transmit national expectations while also modifying or resisting them. (researchgate.net) Gendered household labour supplies a concrete example. Aya Kitamura’s 2022 study of Japanese mothers employing migrant domestic workers in Hong Kong and Singapore found that participants often retained responsibility for cooking while delegating preliminary preparation and cleaning. Some described Japanese culinary knowledge as something foreign workers could not acquire. In these households, preparing familiar food connected national distinctions with expectations of motherhood and unequal divisions of labour; the findings concern the studied households, not Japanese women generally. (jarm.journals.yorku.ca)\n\nClass and generation likewise affect how national participation is understood. In Blood and Culture (2009), Miller-Idriss analysed research conducted in German vocational schools between 1999 and 2004. Working-class students and middle-class, university-educated teachers differed over national pride and belonging. Many teachers, shaped by generational responses to National Socialism, associated national pride with dangerous political traditions, whereas students sought ways to express pride in being German. The study identified disagreements over cultural membership as well as ancestry, showing that shared institutions do not necessarily produce shared national outlooks and that class and generational differences can intersect within everyday encounters. (jstor.org)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "Religion and National Identity",
      "text": "Religious nationalism makes religious traditions, authority, or sacred narratives constitutive of the nation and its political purposes. It differs analytically from nationalism in which religion primarily marks historical ancestry or cultural heritage: affiliation may identify national belonging without requiring personal belief, regular worship, or government by religious authorities. The distinction concerns political claims rather than the population’s level of religiosity. Rogers Brubaker’s 2012 article “Religion and nationalism: four approaches” distinguishes studying religion as an explanation for nationalism, examining their interpenetration, and identifying specifically religious forms of nationalism. These approaches allow religious institutions and symbols to shape national identity without treating every such relationship as the same ideology. (onlinelibrary.wiley.com)\n\nSacred places and collective rituals can connect national history with religious obligations. In Poland, the Jasna Góra National Vows illustrate this mechanism. On 26 August 1956, Bishop Michał Klepacz publicly read vows composed by Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński, who was then interned. The ceremony renewed, on their three-hundredth anniversary, the Marian vows made by King John Casimir in 1656. Its text joined religious commitments concerning marriage and children with obligations concerning justice, peace, poverty, and violence. A ceremony at a religious sanctuary thus presented the nation as a community bound across generations by shared promises; the historical royal act became a resource for collective participation under different political circumstances. (news.jasnagora.pl)\n\nReligious institutions can also become instruments of state-directed national integration. After the Meiji Restoration of 1868, Japan established a Council of Shinto and promoted a “Great Doctrine” intended to cultivate nationalism and imperial loyalty. The shrine system connected ceremonies and sacred traditions with duties toward the emperor. Article 28 of the Meiji Constitution, promulgated in 1889, protected religious freedom only within limits compatible with public order and subjects’ duties. In its 1977 judgment concerning a municipal Shinto ground-breaking ceremony, Japan’s Supreme Court described the pre-1945 arrangement as one in which shrine worship was expected as a civil duty despite formal legal equality among religions. The postwar constitution instead guaranteed religious freedom and prohibited compulsory participation in religious acts, celebrations, rites, or practices. (mext.go.jp)\n\nSecularism provides a different institutional relationship between national membership and religious affiliation. France’s law of 9 December 1905 combined freedom of conscience and free exercise of worship, subject to public-order restrictions, with the principle that the republic would neither recognize, pay, nor subsidize religious denominations. Separation nevertheless included specific accommodation: Article 2 allowed public expenditure on chaplaincies intended to secure religious practice in institutions such as schools, hospitals, and prisons. The legal framework therefore distinguished the state’s non-identification with a religion from the protection of citizens’ religious exercise. (assemblee-nationale.fr)\n\nAn established religion need not entail a religious qualification for ordinary national membership. In England, the Church of England retains a formal relationship with the state: the monarch is its Supreme Governor, Anglican bishops sit in the House of Lords, and church Measures require parliamentary oversight. These arrangements coexist with the extension of religious and civil rights to other Christians, non-Christian faiths, and people of no faith. Establishment also varies within the United Kingdom: the Church of Scotland possesses autonomy in spiritual affairs, while disestablishment took effect in Ireland in 1871 and Wales in 1920. Religious establishment consequently cannot be treated as a uniform institution across a multinational state. (commonslibrary.parliament.uk)\n\nIndia illustrates constitutional accommodation of religious plurality. Article 25 of its constitution protects all persons’ freedom of conscience and the profession, practice, and propagation of religion, subject to public order, morality, health, and other fundamental rights. Article 30 protects religious and linguistic minorities’ right to establish and administer educational institutions. Article 28 generally prohibits religious instruction in institutions wholly maintained by state funds, while providing an exception for certain endowed institutions; it also protects attendance at religious instruction or worship in state-recognized or aided institutions from compulsion without consent. These provisions distinguish individual conscience, minority institutional rights, and the regulation of publicly supported education rather than assigning them a single confessional model. (legislative.gov.in)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "Economic Nationalism and Material Interests",
      "text": "Economic nationalism treats economic activity as a means of sustaining national prosperity, independence, or power, and assigns particular importance to the interests of a nationally defined community. It is not synonymous with protectionism, which restricts foreign competition, nor with industrial or development policy considered independently. Support for a particular industry may arise from employment concerns, technological objectives, or business lobbying without a nationalist rationale. Conversely, nationalists may support relatively open trade when they expect it to strengthen their nation. In a 2002 historical study, Eric Helleiner therefore argued that economic nationalism is best identified by its nationalist purposes rather than by a fixed collection of interventionist policies. (academic.oup.com)\n\nFriedrich List’s The National System of Political Economy (1841) connected manufacturing capacity with national independence. His argument distinguished immediate gains from inexpensive imports from the longer-term development of productive capabilities. Tariffs could, he maintained, give less-developed manufacturers time to acquire capital, skills, and machinery before facing more advanced foreign competitors. This was a conditional argument: List opposed indiscriminate protection, differentiated manufacturing from agriculture and raw materials, and rejected complete isolation from foreign competition. He also linked industrial development to the expansion of domestic agricultural markets. These were claims about how protection might build national productive power, not empirical proof that every protected industry would become competitive. (econlib.org)\n\nNational ownership and resource control offer instruments distinct from border protection. On March 18, 1938, Mexican president Lázaro Cárdenas expropriated the assets of nearly all foreign oil companies operating in Mexico, following a conflict over wages and compliance with labor decisions. The subsequent establishment of state-owned Petróleos Mexicanos placed the industry under national control; Article 27 of the 1917 constitution had already asserted state ownership of subsurface resources. Ownership changed who controlled investment and received oil revenues, but did not eliminate dependence on overseas customers: an embargo organized by foreign companies disrupted exports. (history.state.gov) Economic self-sufficiency was a more extensive objective. Nazi Germany’s Four Year Plan, announced in 1936, sought domestic production of materials obtainable through German mining, chemistry, and technical expertise. Even its announcement anticipated continued imports of unavailable materials, financed by export earnings; the stated objective should therefore not be confused with achieved independence from trade. (history.state.gov)\n\nNational solidarity also enters debates about taxation and the welfare state. A proposed mechanism is that identification with compatriots increases willingness to finance benefits for people outside one’s family, locality, or income group. Evidence does not establish an automatic relationship. Richard Johnston, Keith Banting, Will Kymlicka, and Stuart Soroka’s 2010 study, using Canadian survey data, found that national identity strengthened welfare support among affluent majority Canadians, but through narrower, historically contingent mechanisms than general theories of national solidarity predicted. Programs associated with nation-building could attract support without producing a general preference for redistribution. A 2022 Swedish study likewise found that respondents who perceived immigrants as attached to Sweden were more supportive of redistribution and immigrant rights; this association concerned perceived belonging, not simply the strength of respondents’ own national attachment. (swopec.hhs.se)\n\nAppeals to a common national interest can nevertheless conceal distributional conflicts between protected producers, consumers, exporters, and firms using imported inputs. Pablo Fajgelbaum, Pinelopi Goldberg, Patrick Kennedy, and Amit Khandelwal’s study of the 2018 United States tariff increases and foreign retaliation found that targeted imports’ pre-duty prices did not fall, implying that the duties were passed through to domestic import prices. After accounting for tariff revenue and gains to domestic producers, their model estimated an aggregate real-income loss of $7.2 billion, or 0.04 percent of GDP. These estimates concern a particular policy episode and distinguish benefits to selected producers from outcomes for the economy as a whole. (nber.org)\n\nInternational cooperation can be presented as a way of pursuing national prosperity rather than abandoning it, a compatibility emphasized in Helleiner’s historical analysis. (academic.oup.com) The World Trade Organization agreement’s preamble identifies higher living standards, employment, rising real incomes, and sustainable development as objectives of international trade relations. These institutional aims are distinct from demonstrated outcomes: participation in a trade framework expresses agreed purposes, but does not itself establish how gains are distributed among industries, regions, or households. (wto.org)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "Minorities, Migration, and Diasporas",
      "text": "Legal membership and national belonging need not coincide. Citizenship establishes a relationship with a state, whereas national identification may depend on language, ancestry, cultural participation, or attachment to a homeland. Residence-based naturalization and citizenship by descent consequently draw different boundaries around membership. In the United States, the general naturalization route requires five years as a lawful permanent resident, continuous residence, and at least thirty months of physical presence during that period; English and civic knowledge requirements also apply, subject to exemptions. Ireland’s Foreign Births Register, by contrast, enables eligible people born abroad with a grandparent born on the island of Ireland to acquire citizenship. These mechanisms distinguish admission through residence and demonstrated civic qualifications from admission through documented family connections; neither directly measures subjective national attachment. (plato.stanford.edu)\n\nNational minorities complicate the assumption that a state’s citizens constitute one culturally uniform nation. Minority protection can recognize membership in the wider political community without requiring the abandonment of a distinct language, religion, or historical identity. The Council of Europe’s Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, adopted on November 10, 1994, and effective from February 1, 1998, protects free self-identification, cultural expression, equality, and participation in public affairs. It contains no universally agreed definition of “national minority,” leaving differences in states’ approaches to its application. Its emphasis on individual choice, including identification with more than one minority, accommodates overlapping identities rather than assigning every person an exclusive national category. Minority-language use and cultural participation are thus treated as compatible with membership in a common state. (coe.int)\n\nIndigenous peoples also raise questions of collective membership, but their legal position cannot simply be reduced to that of immigrant communities or cultural minorities. In Canada, section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982, recognizes and affirms existing Aboriginal and treaty rights and expressly includes First Nations, Inuit, and Métis peoples within its terminology. The provision constitutionalized protection for existing rights rather than creating them anew. This framework recognizes historically constituted peoples and treaty relationships within the Canadian constitutional order. It therefore distinguishes ordinary citizenship from collective rights grounded in prior occupation and agreements with the Crown, allowing Indigenous nationhood and membership in the Canadian state to coexist without treating them as identical categories. (justice.gc.ca)\n\nDiaspora nationalism organizes political attachment across borders through associations, fundraising, publications, and lobbying directed toward an ancestral homeland. Historian Michael Doorley’s study of the Friends of Irish Freedom illustrates both its organizational strength and its differences from homeland nationalism. Founded in New York on March 4, 1916, with John Devoy and Daniel Cohalan playing central roles, the organization promoted Irish independence through American political institutions. By summer 1920 it had approximately 100,000 regular and 175,000 associate members; its Washington bureau circulated newsletters and pamphlets. Disputes with Éamon de Valera concerned organizational control, diplomatic objectives, and the use of funds, demonstrating that diaspora activists did not merely reproduce homeland priorities. Cross-border cultural institutions need not pursue such political objectives: Ireland’s Emigrant Support Programme, established in 2004, funds overseas community welfare and cultural activities, including Irish music, dance, and sports. (historyireland.com)\n\nResearch on migration separates population change from claims about national cohesion by examining specific integration outcomes. The OECD and European Commission’s Indicators of Immigrant Integration 2023 compared eighty-three indicators covering employment, education, living conditions, and civic and social participation. In the European Union, 70% of immigrants resident for at least ten years reported advanced proficiency in the host-country language, compared with 40% of recent arrivals. The report also found that public perceptions of declining educational outcomes among immigrants’ children in many longstanding European immigration destinations contrasted with measured improvement over the preceding decade. Such findings do not make language proficiency equivalent to national identification; they show why length of residence, educational opportunity, and other measurable conditions must be distinguished from political assertions that demographic change necessarily produces failed integration. (oecd.org)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "Self-Determination, Territorial Claims, and Political Institutions",
      "text": "Self-determination concerns a people’s capacity to determine its political status and pursue its economic, social, and cultural development; it does not automatically require an independent state. Article 1 of the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights recognizes this right. Internal self-determination concerns participation and self-government within an existing state, whereas external self-determination concerns international political status, potentially including independence. In its 1998 Reference re Secession of Quebec, Canada’s Supreme Court held that self-determination is normally realized internally. It identified colonial rule and alien subjugation as circumstances supporting external self-determination, while leaving unresolved whether complete denial of meaningful internal self-determination could establish an additional entitlement to secede. (2covenants.ohchr.org)\n\nInstitutional arrangements address national claims by distributing authority differently. Territorial autonomy gives a particular region responsibility for specified matters without transferring international sovereignty. Federalism constitutionally combines regional self-government with shared government, protecting a division of responsibilities between levels of authority. Power-sharing instead organizes participation in common institutions, including executive representation and safeguards in collective decision-making; it can coexist with territorial autonomy. The Belfast Agreement, signed on 10 April 1998, established a power-sharing Assembly and Executive in Northern Ireland, alongside institutions for North–South and British–Irish cooperation. It also linked constitutional status to consent and recognized identification as British, Irish, or both. These arrangements accommodate competing national affiliations without requiring a single shared national identity. Secession, by contrast, separates territory from an existing state rather than redistributing authority within it. (idea.int)\n\nIrredentism seeks to incorporate territory across an international border into a state presented as its national homeland, commonly because ethnically related populations inhabit it. Unlike a separatist project seeking a new state, an irredentist project seeks territorial attachment to an existing one. Its demographic justification is complicated where populations overlap: a boundary designed to unite one national community can place another under a government it does not regard as its own. Constitutional research consequently treats territorial boundaries, regional autonomy, central representation, and minority-rights protections as related design questions, rather than assuming that each territory contains one politically homogeneous nation. Rival homeland claims concern both the location of borders and whose preferences count within them. (assets.cambridge.org)\n\nThe principle of self-determination operates alongside territorial integrity in international law. The UN General Assembly’s Declaration on Friendly Relations, adopted as Resolution 2625 in 1970, recognized independence, free association, integration, and other freely chosen political statuses as possible expressions of self-determination. Its safeguard clause rejected construing that principle as authorization to dismember sovereign states complying with equal rights and self-determination and possessing governments representing their whole territorial population without racial, religious, or colour discrimination. It also required states to refrain from disrupting another state’s national unity and territorial integrity. Thus, national affiliation alone does not establish an unrestricted international right to unilateral separation or cross-border territorial incorporation. (treaties.un.org)\n\nA referendum establishes an electorate’s preferences, but its constitutional consequences depend on legal authority and applicable procedures. In the Quebec reference, decided on 20 August 1998, the Supreme Court rejected unilateral secession under Canadian constitutional law. A clear majority supporting secession on a clear question would nevertheless oblige the relevant governments to negotiate; it would not itself accomplish independence or guarantee a particular outcome. Scotland’s referendum followed a different, agreed procedure: the UK and Scottish governments’ Edinburgh Agreement of 15 October 2012 provided for a legally authorized vote. On 18 September 2014, 55.3 percent voted against independence and 44.7 percent in favour. (decisions.scc-csc.ca)\n\nThe International Court of Justice’s Kosovo advisory opinion illustrates the distinction between a declaration’s legality and an entitlement to secede. On 22 July 2010, the Court found that Kosovo’s declaration of 17 February 2008 did not violate international law. Its inquiry concerned the declaration itself, not whether international law generally entitled entities within states to separate unilaterally. The Court did not resolve competing arguments about “remedial secession”—a proposed entitlement arising from severe denial of self-determination—or determine the legal consequences of the declaration. The opinion therefore cannot be treated as establishing a general right to independence through unilateral declaration. (icj-cij.org)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "Nationalism in a Globalized and Digital World",
      "text": "Globalization changes the conditions under which national political projects operate rather than simply displacing them. Cross-border production, investment, and trade connect domestic economic decisions to international markets, while treaties establish obligations that governments cannot alter solely through domestic legislation. World Trade Organization tariff bindings, for example, record negotiated ceilings on import duties, distinguishing governments’ international commitments from the rates they actually apply. National control consequently becomes a question of which powers to exercise independently, which to coordinate, and which international obligations to accept. Migration likewise extends debates about national membership beyond territorial residence, connecting citizenship and cultural identification to communities dispersed across borders. These developments can sustain demands for stronger national control, but neither economic interdependence nor migration entails a uniform political response. (wto.org)\n\nThe European Union institutionalizes coexistence between national membership and supranational participation. Article 4(2) of the Treaty on European Union requires respect for member states’ national identities as embodied in their fundamental political and constitutional structures, including regional and local self-government. Article 20 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union makes Union citizenship additional to, rather than a replacement for, national citizenship. Integration therefore does not legally require the disappearance of national political communities, although the allocation of authority remains contested. The United Kingdom’s referendum of 23 June 2016 illustrates a concrete decision about this allocation: 17,410,742 valid votes, or 51.9%, supported leaving the EU, against 16,141,241, or 48.1%, supporting remaining. These figures establish the electoral outcome, not a single nationalist motivation shared by all Leave voters. (eur-lex.europa.eu)\n\nThe internet and social media enable national communication to circulate internationally through news posts, national symbols, commemorative messages, and coordinated sharing. Such circulation need not depend primarily on hostility toward outsiders. A study published in 2024 examined 1.6 million Facebook and Twitter posts from Ukrainian news sources, covering seven months before Russia’s February 2022 full-scale invasion and six months afterward. Posts classified as expressing Ukrainian national solidarity were associated with 92% more engagement on Facebook and 68% more on Twitter after the invasion than before it. Posts expressing hostility toward Russia showed only a 1% increase on Facebook and no significant change on Twitter. The findings distinguish the online amplification of national solidarity from the amplification of antagonism; they concern engagement patterns, not proof that platforms caused changes in national identity. (cam.ac.uk)\n\nDigital communication also permits diaspora participants to intervene in homeland politics without being physically present. Dmitry Chernobrov’s 2022 study of the 2020 Karabakh war drew on interviews with 30 young diaspora Armenians in seven countries. Participants described circulating information through personal accounts, amplifying public figures’ posts, contacting journalists and officials, and organizing petitions and fundraising. Pro-Armenian and pro-Azerbaijani users also circulated competing hashtags directed toward international audiences. These practices connected national claims to transnational networks and multilingual publicity, with likes, reposts, and visibility becoming immediate measures of activity. The research documented participants’ strategies and perceived results rather than establishing that their campaigns changed foreign policy or military outcomes. (academic.oup.com)\n\nNationalist rhetoric must nevertheless be distinguished from populism. Benjamin De Cleen and Yannis Stavrakakis’s 2017 analytical framework separates nationalism’s distinction between members and nonmembers of the nation from populism’s opposition between “the people” and “the elite.” The two can be combined, but neither implies the other. Donald Trump’s inaugural address of 20 January 2017 provides a documented rhetorical combination: its “America First” formula prioritized national interests, while its account of returning power from Washington to ordinary Americans contrasted the population with a political establishment. Analytically, the former organizes political priorities around the nation; the latter identifies an internal relationship of power and representation. Applying these distinctions to particular statements avoids treating every assertion of national identity as populist, or every criticism of elites as nationalist. (tandfonline.com)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "Theories and Research Traditions",
      "text": "Modernist explanations treat nations and nationalism as products of historical transformation rather than the political awakening of timeless communities, but differ over the mechanisms involved. Ernest Gellner’s Nations and Nationalism (1983) locates the decisive change in industrial society: occupational mobility and communication between strangers require generalized skills, literacy, and a standardized culture transmitted through mass education. The relationship between this educational infrastructure and the state makes cultural boundaries politically consequential. Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities (1983), by contrast, emphasizes “print-capitalism”: commercial publishing in vernacular languages created readerships whose members could imagine belonging to a community without meeting one another. His account connects printing and capitalism to shared linguistic fields and national consciousness, rather than deriving nationalism principally from industrial employment. (lse.ac.uk)\n\nEric Hobsbawm foregrounded political construction, institutional repetition, and the relationship between national representations and social change. In The Invention of Tradition (1983), coedited with Terence Ranger, he examined how formalized practices inculcate values through repetition while claiming continuity with a selected past. “Invented” therefore describes the establishment of practices and historical connections, not necessarily the fabrication of every cultural element involved. The volume’s studies of Scottish Highland traditions, British monarchical ceremonies, and colonial institutions demonstrate how apparently ancient forms could acquire comparatively recent arrangements and purposes. Hobsbawm’s chapter on Europe in 1870–1914 connects the mass production of traditions to political and social transformation. Where Gellner emphasizes structural requirements and Anderson communication and imagination, Hobsbawm stresses the institutional production of continuity and collective identification. (cambridge.org)\n\nAnthony D. Smith’s ethno-symbolism, developed in works including The Ethnic Origins of Nations (1986), investigates how modern national projects reinterpret earlier ethnic communities, myths, memories, values, and symbols. These inherited resources constrain nationalist projects as well as furnish material for them; Smith consequently emphasizes interaction between elites and wider populations, rather than unrestricted elite invention. Ethno-symbolism distinguishes continuity of cultural resources from uninterrupted existence of an identical nation. It differs from primordialist approaches, which treat attachments as natural or experienced as given, and from perennialist approaches, which locate nations before modernity without necessarily regarding them as natural. Smith’s emphasis on both continuity and disruption thus does not require equating a modern nation with an ancient community. (onlinelibrary.wiley.com)\n\nPolitical-organizational and historical-sociological approaches examine how national claims become effective movements. John Breuilly’s Nationalism and the State treats nationalism as a form of politics organized around opposition to the modern state, directing attention to power rather than cultural identity alone. Miroslav Hroch’s comparative research distinguishes scholarly investigation of language and history, patriotic agitation, and mass national mobilization—conventionally designated phases A, B, and C. His framework compares analogous stages rather than assuming that movements develop simultaneously. Constructivist research also questions whether nations should be treated as already constituted actors. In Nationalism Reframed (1996), Rogers Brubaker distinguishes nationhood as an institutionalized form, the nation as a practical category, and national identification as contingent events. A census classification or political invocation of “the nation” is therefore an object of investigation, not sufficient evidence of a cohesive group acting collectively. (press.uchicago.edu)\n\nResearch methods address different parts of these processes. Comparative history and archival research reconstruct organizational recruitment and institutional change; ethnography examines how people employ national categories in ordinary interaction; discourse analysis investigates representations in speeches, newspapers, and other texts. Surveys require distinctions among attachment, membership criteria, pride, and beliefs in national superiority. Bart Bonikowski and Paul DiMaggio’s 2016 study used latent-class analysis of the 2004 US General Social Survey to identify four configurations of nationalist attitudes, then examined comparable data from 1996 and 2012. Such multidimensional measurement avoids assuming that pride or restrictive membership rules alone capture nationalism. Their analysis also separated immigration preferences from measures constituting national understandings. Associations between attitudes and political preferences do not by themselves establish causation; historical sequence, competing explanations, and the relationship between public discourse and individual responses remain distinct research problems. (scholar.harvard.edu)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "Philosophical Questions and Continuing Research Problems",
      "text": "In political philosophy, national attachment raises the question of whether belonging to a nation generates obligations beyond those owed to people generally. David Miller’s On Nationality (1995) defends special obligations to compatriots grounded in their shared national relationship, rather than solely in reciprocal benefits from obeying laws or paying taxes. Critics question whether membership in a large, largely anonymous community can carry moral weight comparable to family or friendship. A separate dispute concerns the limits of permissible partiality. Kok-Chor Tan’s Justice without Borders (2004) argues that cosmopolitan justice establishes the conditions within which people may legitimately favour compatriots; Miller contests the assumption that global obligations invariably override national ones. Whether international justice requires adequate provision for everyone or greater equality across borders substantially changes the resources that national communities may justifiably reserve for their members. (plato.stanford.edu)\n\nThe relationship between national identity and democracy involves both justification and motivation. Liberal-nationalist arguments propose that shared identity encourages citizens to consider one another’s interests, accept collective decisions, and sustain institutions benefiting people they do not personally know. An alternative locates solidarity in common political activity rather than inherited culture. In Liberal Loyalty (2009), Anna Stilz argues that commitments to equal freedom, together with citizens’ shared intentions to maintain just institutions, can ground allegiance to a particular state. She develops this position in dialogue with Jürgen Habermas’s constitutional patriotism, which emphasizes attachment to democratic principles and institutions. The disagreement is not simply between solidarity and individualism: it concerns whether shared citizenship can generate sufficient mutual commitment without a common national culture, and whether cultural membership and political membership identify the same community. (assets.press.princeton.edu)\n\nEmpirical research tests these proposed mechanisms without treating national attachment, national superiority, and solidarity as interchangeable measures. Gal Ariely’s longitudinal study, published online in 2023, surveyed Jewish Israelis before the COVID-19 pandemic, on December 1–2, 2019, and again between May 31 and June 8, 2020. National attachment, national chauvinism, and solidarity declined overall, yet the positive association between attachment and solidarity strengthened; the association between chauvinism and solidarity weakened and became statistically insignificant. The findings distinguish changes in average identity levels from changes in relationships between variables. They also leave questions of causation unresolved: concurrent political developments prevent attributing the changes to the pandemic alone. Continuing research therefore examines which dimensions of identity support cooperation, whom that cooperation includes, and whether trust produces national solidarity or results from it. (cambridge.org)\n\nResearch on conflict likewise examines institutional conditions rather than assuming that national mobilization necessarily produces violence. Andreas Wimmer and Brian Min’s 2006 study, From Empire to Nation-State, analysed war outbreaks in fixed geographical territories from 1816 to 2001, rather than restricting observation to independent states. They found heightened risks of war around imperial expansion and transitions to nation-state organization. This design addresses a comparability problem: treating existing states as the only units can omit the violent processes through which those states emerged. Their explanation directs attention toward changes in political authority and membership, rather than national sentiment alone; the continuing question is when competing claims become institutional exclusion or armed contestation rather than negotiated political reorganization. (journals.sagepub.com)\n\nThe historical age and durability of nations remain disputed partly because researchers apply different thresholds for nationhood. Anthony D. Smith’s 2005 chapter “Were there nations in Antiquity?” examines ancient Egypt through its collective name, territorial continuity, language, symbols, and centralized institutions, presenting a case for embryonic nationhood rather than equating it unconditionally with a modern nation. His broader work challenges explanations that derive nations exclusively from European modernization. The methodological problem is to distinguish continuity in names, memories, and cultural practices from continuity in collective membership and political aspirations. Comparison across regions must also establish whether the same indicators identify equivalent phenomena; otherwise, a definition developed from modern European cases may either exclude older communities by assumption or classify culturally distinctive populations as nations too readily. (cambridge.org)"
    }
  ],
  "links": [
    "state",
    "culture",
    "democracy",
    "human-rights",
    "united-nations",
    "nation",
    "sovereignty",
    "federalism",
    "international-covenant-on-civil-and-political-rights",
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    "otto-von-bismarck",
    "austria-hungary",
    "ottoman-empire",
    "russia",
    "balkans",
    "brazil",
    "united-states",
    "american-civil-war",
    "latin-america",
    "japan",
    "meiji-restoration",
    "china",
    "xinhai-revolution",
    "qing-dynasty",
    "sun-yat-sen",
    "may-fourth-movement",
    "india",
    "mahatma-gandhi",
    "taxation",
    "pakistan",
    "middle-east",
    "islam",
    "turkey",
    "iran",
    "ghana",
    "algeria",
    "world-war-i",
    "treaty-of-versailles",
    "league-of-nations",
    "poland",
    "fascism",
    "adolf-hitler",
    "nazi-germany",
    "world-war-ii",
    "holocaust",
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    "family",
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    "indigenous-peoples",
    "canada",
    "human-migration",
    "european-union",
    "international-law",
    "international-court-of-justice",
    "globalization",
    "internet",
    "social-media",
    "capitalism",
    "causation",
    "political-philosophy"
  ],
  "sources": [
    {
      "title": "Nationalism (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)",
      "url": "https://plato.stanford.edu/ENTRiES/nationalism/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Nationalism (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy/Fall 2023 Edition)",
      "url": "https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/fall2023/entries/nationalism/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Sovereignty (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)",
      "url": "https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/sovereignty/"
    },
    {
      "title": "UN Human Rights: International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights",
      "url": "https://2covenants.ohchr.org/About-ICCPR.html"
    },
    {
      "title": "National identity and the “Kohn dichotomy”",
      "url": "https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/nationalities-papers/article/abs/national-identity-and-the-kohn-dichotomy/557687C490319715F5E25271E0DDB68B"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Limits of Nationalism — Excerpt",
      "url": "https://assets.cambridge.org/97805218/08644/excerpt/9780521808644_excerpt.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Preußen und der Norddeutsche Bund",
      "url": "https://www.bundestag.de/besuche/ausstellungen/verfassung/tafel12"
    },
    {
      "title": "Raum 8c — Reichsgründung im Krieg — Versailles",
      "url": "https://www.dhm.de/archiv/ausstellungen/bismarck/doku/html/raum8c.html"
    },
    {
      "title": "Arab Nationalism in the Twentieth Century: From Triumph to Despair",
      "url": "https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt1q1xrk5"
    },
    {
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    },
    {
      "title": "Nationalism and Religion in Comparative Perspective: A New Typology of National-Religious Configurations",
      "url": "https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/nationalities-papers/article/nationalism-and-religion-in-comparative-perspective-a-new-typology-of-nationalreligious-configurations/7965D0CEC6C6A680007386D50D12B95E"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Roots of Nationalism",
      "url": "https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/master/gdc/gdcebookspublic/20/20/71/64/66/2020716466/2020716466.pdf"
    },
    {
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      "url": "https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/herder/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Declaration of Independence (1776)",
      "url": "https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/declaration-of-independence"
    },
    {
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      "url": "https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/CF9B064AE8BD68D42C1F0B616F0BACE3/9781108333290int_p1-24_CBO.pdf/introduction.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen",
      "url": "https://www.elysee.fr/en/french-presidency/the-declaration-of-the-rights-of-man-and-of-the-citizen"
    },
    {
      "title": "Addresses to the German Nation/Introduction",
      "url": "https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Addresses_to_the_German_Nation/Introduction"
    },
    {
      "title": "Johann Gottlieb Fichte, Addresses to the German Nation (1807/08)",
      "url": "https://germanhistorydocs.org/en/the-holy-roman-empire-1648-1815/ghdi%3Adocument-3596"
    },
    {
      "title": "Giuseppe Mazzini, The Duties of Man",
      "url": "https://people.umass.edu/hist101/Mazzini%20Duties%20of%20Man.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Ernest RENAN, La nation. Conférence prononcée le 11 mars 1882 à la Sorbonne",
      "url": "https://classiques.uqam.ca/classiques/renan_ernest/la_nation/la_nation_texte.html"
    },
    {
      "title": "Risorgimento",
      "url": "https://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/risorgimento/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Il Risorgimento italiano",
      "url": "https://www.storiadelrisorgimento.it/il-risorgimento-italiano"
    },
    {
      "title": "Risorgimento",
      "url": "https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Risorgimento"
    },
    {
      "title": "Revolution and the National Assembly in Frankfurt am Main 1848/1849",
      "url": "https://www.bundestag.de/en/parliament/history/parliamentarism/1848"
    },
    {
      "title": "LeMO Zeitstrahl – Reaktionszeit",
      "url": "https://www.dhm.de/lemo/kapitel/reaktionszeit"
    },
    {
      "title": "Norddeutscher Bund",
      "url": "https://www.dhm.de/lemo/kapitel/reaktionszeit/deutscherbund/norddeutschebund"
    },
    {
      "title": "Die Verfassung des Deutschen Reiches",
      "url": "https://www.dhm.de/lemo/kapitel/kaiserreich/reich/verfassung"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Slovaks in the Habsburg Empire: A Struggle for Existence",
      "url": "https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/austrian-history-yearbook/article/abs/slovaks-in-the-habsburg-empire-a-struggle-for-existence/3E8F6BE6BDD048309196FCD9EDB0DA88"
    },
    {
      "title": "An empire in two halves: the Compromise with Hungary",
      "url": "https://www.habsburger.net/en/chapter/empire-two-halves-compromise-hungary"
    },
    {
      "title": "The problems and potentialities of a multiethnic state",
      "url": "https://www.habsburger.net/en/chapter/problems-and-potentialities-multiethnic-state"
    },
    {
      "title": "The question of autonomy: the Croats caught between Vienna and Budapest",
      "url": "https://ww1.habsburger.net/en/chapters/question-autonomy-croats-caught-between-vienna-and-budapest"
    },
    {
      "title": "3 Spanish South America - World History Volume 2, from 1400",
      "url": "https://openstax.org/books/world-history-volume-2/pages/8-3-spanish-south-america"
    },
    {
      "title": "Independence from Spanish rule in South America",
      "url": "https://www.khanacademy.org/humanities/art-history/art-americas/latin-america-after-independence/south-america-after-independence/a/independence-from-spanish-rule-south-america"
    },
    {
      "title": "El proyecto grancolombiano",
      "url": "https://enciclopedia.banrepcultural.org/El_proyecto_grancolombiano"
    },
    {
      "title": "4 Portuguese South America - World History Volume 2, from 1400",
      "url": "https://openstax.org/books/world-history-volume-2/pages/8-4-portuguese-south-america"
    },
    {
      "title": "Período Imperial (1822 a 1889)",
      "url": "https://mapa.an.gov.br/index.php/assuntos/79-producao/80-cronologia/509-periodo-imperial-1822-a-1889"
    },
    {
      "title": "Independence and Neo-colonialism, 1808–1929",
      "url": "https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/master/gdc/gdcebookspublic/20/21/75/83/80/2021758380/2021758380.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Slavery as a Cause of the Civil War",
      "url": "https://home.nps.gov/liho/learn/historyculture/slavery-cause-civil-war.htm"
    },
    {
      "title": "Overview - The Civil War",
      "url": "https://home.nps.gov/civilwar/overview.htm"
    },
    {
      "title": "Documented Rights Exhibit",
      "url": "https://www.archives.gov/exhibits/documented-rights/exhibit/"
    },
    {
      "title": "14th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution: Civil Rights (1868)",
      "url": "https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/14th-amendment"
    },
    {
      "title": "Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)",
      "url": "https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/plessy-v-ferguson"
    },
    {
      "title": "Provinces and territories - Intergovernmental Affairs",
      "url": "https://www.canada.ca/en/intergovernmental-affairs/services/provinces-territories.html"
    },
    {
      "title": "Meiji Restoration",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Meiji_Restoration"
    },
    {
      "title": "Seven Chapters on Japanese Modernization",
      "url": "https://www.jica.go.jp/Resource/dsp-chair/chair/modernization/ku57pq00002mp6uo-att/modernization_chapter_05.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "China: a country study",
      "url": "https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/master/frd/frdcstdy/ch/chinacountrystud00word/chinacountrystud00word.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "China",
      "url": "https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/master/frd/copr/China.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "India Since the Advent of the British",
      "url": "https://ignca.gov.in/Asi_data/49036.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Indian National Congress - INC Timeline",
      "url": "https://inc.in/brief-history-of-congress/1925-1935"
    },
    {
      "title": "Indian independence, part two - The National Archives",
      "url": "https://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/education/teaching-resources/indian-independence-part-two/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Arab Nationalism in the Twentieth Century: From Triumph to Despair - Chapter 1",
      "url": "https://assets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s10732.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Den forente arabiske republikk",
      "url": "https://snl.no/Den_forente_arabiske_republikk"
    },
    {
      "title": "Turkey, a country study",
      "url": "https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/master/frd/frdcstdy/tu/turkeycountrystu00metz_0/turkeycountrystu00metz_0.pdf"
    },
    {
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      "url": "https://tnaqa.mirrorweb.com/ukgwa/20260803133323mp_/https%3A/www.iwm.org.uk/history/first-world-war/outbreak"
    },
    {
      "title": "‘The lamps are going out…’: tweeting the July Crisis",
      "url": "https://history.blog.gov.uk/2014/06/16/the-lamps-are-going-out-tweeting-the-july-crisis/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Conscientious Objectors In Their Own Words",
      "url": "https://tnaqa.mirrorweb.com/ukgwa/20260803111232oe_/https%3A/www.iwm.org.uk/history/first-world-war/participation/conscientious-objectors-in-their-own-words"
    },
    {
      "title": "Participants of the First World War",
      "url": "https://tnaqa.mirrorweb.com/ukgwa/20260803133317mp_/https%3A/www.iwm.org.uk/history/first-world-war/participation"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Paris Peace Conference and the Treaty of Versailles",
      "url": "https://history.state.gov/milestones/1914-1920/paris-peace"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Covenant of the League of Nations",
      "url": "https://www.ungeneva.org/en/about/league-of-nations/covenant"
    },
    {
      "title": "Historical Documents: Treaty with Poland",
      "url": "https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1919Parisv13/ch29"
    },
    {
      "title": "The League of Nations and Minorities: The Non-receivability of ‘Non-treaty’ Petitions",
      "url": "https://brill.com/view/journals/ijgr/26/1/article-p67_67.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Fascism",
      "url": "https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/en/article/fascism-1"
    },
    {
      "title": "Nuremberg Laws",
      "url": "https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/en/article/nuremberg-laws?series=13"
    },
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    },
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    },
    {
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      "url": "https://history.state.gov/milestones/1945-1952/asia-and-africa"
    },
    {
      "title": "United Nations Charter (full text)",
      "url": "https://www.un.org/en/node/125814?trk=article-ssr-frontend-pulse_little-text-block"
    },
    {
      "title": "Decolonization",
      "url": "https://www.un.org/en/global-issues/decolonization/"
    },
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      "title": "Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples",
      "url": "https://legal.un.org/avl/ha/dicc/dicc.html"
    },
    {
      "title": "Special Committee on Decolonization",
      "url": "https://www.un.org/dppa/decolonization/en/c24/about"
    },
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      "title": "Border Disputes among African States",
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    },
    {
      "title": "Article 326: Elections to the House of the People and to the Legislative Assemblies of States to be on the basis of adult suffrage",
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    },
    {
      "title": "Press Release Page",
      "url": "https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=1749614&lang=2&reg=48"
    },
    {
      "title": "History — Supreme Court of India",
      "url": "https://www.sci.gov.in/about-department/history/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bandung Conference (Asian-African Conference), 1955",
      "url": "https://history.state.gov/milestones/1953-1960/bandung-conf"
    },
    {
      "title": "History — Non-Aligned Movement",
      "url": "https://www.nam.go.ug/history"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bullet Point #13 - Why did Napoleon decide to centralise French administration?",
      "url": "https://www.napoleon.org/en/history-of-the-two-empires/articles/bullet-point-13-napoleon-decide-centralise-french-administration"
    },
    {
      "title": "Le Code Civil (21 mars 1804) : naissance, principes et postérité",
      "url": "https://www.napoleon.org/enseignants/documents/le-code-civil-21-mars-1804-naissance-principes-et-posterite/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Federal Constitution of the Swiss Confederation",
      "url": "https://www.parlament.ch/centers/documents/_layouts/15/DocIdRedir.aspx?ID=DOCID-1239417530-352"
    },
    {
      "title": "Loi sur l’enseignement primaire obligatoire du 28 mars 1882",
      "url": "https://www.education.gouv.fr/sites/default/files/imported_files/document/loi_sur_l_enseignement_primaire_obligatoire_du_28_mars_1882_569032.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Le gymnaste, soldat de demain : les sociétés de préparation militaire de la Belle Époque",
      "url": "https://www.cheminsdememoire.gouv.fr/de/node/10397"
    },
    {
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      "url": "https://www.archives.gov/research/census/1850"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Seventh Census of the United States: 1850",
      "url": "https://www2.census.gov/library/publications/decennial/1850/1850a/1850a-04.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "OS history",
      "url": "https://www.ordnancesurvey.co.uk/about/history"
    },
    {
      "title": "Die Wirtschaft Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts",
      "url": "https://www.bpb.de/themen/zeit-kulturgeschichte/revolution-1848-1849/517430/die-wirtschaft-mitte-des-19-jahrhunderts/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Der deutsche Vormärz",
      "url": "https://www.bpb.de/themen/zeit-kulturgeschichte/revolution-1848-1849/516963/der-deutsche-vormaerz/"
    },
    {
      "title": "History of Urban and Rural Areas",
      "url": "https://www.census.gov/about/history/historical-censuses-and-surveys/census-programs-surveys/geography/urban-and-rural-areas.html"
    },
    {
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    },
    {
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      "url": "https://www.nb.no/dokumentarv-i-nasjonalbiblioteket/ivar-aasen-grammatikk-manuskript/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Imagined Communities",
      "url": "https://is.muni.cz/el/1423/podzim2013/SOC571E/um/Anderson_B_-_Imagined_Communities.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Kalevala – Euroopan kulttuuriperintötunnus",
      "url": "https://www.finlit.fi/tietoa-meista/kalevala-euroopan-kulttuuriperintotunnus/"
    },
    {
      "title": "The life of Elias Lönnrot",
      "url": "https://tietava.finlit.fi/en/kalevala/who-wrote-the-kalevala/the-life-of-elias-lonnrot/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Le drapeau français",
      "url": "https://www.elysee.fr/la-presidence/le-drapeau-francais"
    },
    {
      "title": "La Marseillaise de Rouget de Lisle",
      "url": "https://www.elysee.fr/la-presidence/la-marseillaise-de-rouget-de-lisle"
    },
    {
      "title": "La fête nationale du 14 juillet",
      "url": "https://www.elysee.fr/la-presidence/la-fete-nationale-du-14-juillet"
    },
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      "url": "https://mini-site.louvre.fr/trimestriel/2021/Dossier_images_Louvre/9/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Un musée révolutionnaire – Le musée des Monuments français d’Alexandre Lenoir",
      "url": "https://www.louvre.fr/expositions-et-evenements/expositions/un-musee-revolutionnaire"
    },
    {
      "title": "Une icône de la Révolution",
      "url": "https://musee.louvre.fr/expositions-et-evenements/expositions/jacques-louis-david/oeuvres-en-lumiere/une-icone-de-la-revolution"
    },
    {
      "title": "Who Cooks What, How, and for Whom? Gender, Racial, Ethnic, and Class Politics of Food in Asian Global Households",
      "url": "https://jarm.journals.yorku.ca/index.php/jarm/article/view/40667"
    },
    {
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      "url": "https://news.jasnagora.pl/aktualno%C5%9Bci-2026/odnowienie-%C5%9Blub%C3%B3w-narodu-na-jasnej-g%C3%B3rze-1956-rp-historyczny-dokument-wystawiony-na-jasnej-g%C3%B3rze/"
    },
    {
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      "url": "https://www.assemblee-nationale.fr/histoire/eglise-etat/sommaire.asp"
    },
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    {
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      "url": "https://www.econlib.org/library/YPDBooks/List/lstNPE.html?chapter_num=31"
    },
    {
      "title": "The National System of Political Economy, Book II, Chapter XV",
      "url": "https://www.econlib.org/library/YPDBooks/List/lstNPE.html?chapter_num=19"
    },
    {
      "title": "The National System of Political Economy, Book II, Chapter XX",
      "url": "https://www.econlib.org/library/YPDBooks/List/lstNPE.html?chapter_num=24"
    },
    {
      "title": "Mexican Expropriation of Foreign Oil, 1938",
      "url": "https://history.state.gov/milestones/1937-1945/mexican-oil"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Ambassador in Germany (Dodd) to the Secretary of State, September 24, 1936",
      "url": "https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1936v02/d106"
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    {
      "title": "National Identity and Support for the Welfare State",
      "url": "https://swopec.hhs.se/sulcis/abs/sulcis2010_011.htm"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Return to Protectionism",
      "url": "https://www.nber.org/papers/w25638"
    },
    {
      "title": "WTO: Environment—Sustainable Development",
      "url": "https://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/envir_e/sust_dev_e.htm"
    },
    {
      "title": "U.S. Citizenship",
      "url": "https://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/document/fact-sheets/DO_FactSheet_NaturalizationForLawfulPermanentResidents_wAsyleeOrRefugeeStatus_V4_508.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Registering A Foreign Birth",
      "url": "https://www.ireland.ie/en/dfa/citizenship/born-abroad/registering-a-foreign-birth/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Provision and context",
      "url": "https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/csj-sjc/ijr-dja/35pedia-wiki35/p2.html?wbdisable=true"
    },
    {
      "title": "Principles respecting the Government of Canada's relationship with Indigenous peoples",
      "url": "https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/csj-sjc/principles-principes.html"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Friends of Irish Freedom: a case-study in Irish-American nationalism, 1916–21",
      "url": "https://historyireland.com/the-friends-of-irish-freedom-a-case-study-in-irish-american-nationalism-1916-21/"
    },
    {
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      "url": "https://www.ireland.ie/en/irish-diaspora/emigrant-support-programme/"
    },
    {
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      "url": "https://decisions.scc-csc.ca/scc-csc/scc-csc/en/item/1643/index.do?iframe=true&pedisable=true&q=le+droit+de+faire+s%25C3%25A9cession&site_preference=normal"
    },
    {
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    },
    {
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    },
    {
      "title": "The Belfast Agreement",
      "url": "https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/the-belfast-agreement?app=true"
    },
    {
      "title": "Cambridge University Press: excerpt on irredentism",
      "url": "https://assets.cambridge.org/97805218/95583/excerpt/9780521895583_excerpt.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "General Assembly Resolution 2625 (XXV)",
      "url": "https://treaties.un.org/doc/source/docs/A_RES_2625-Eng.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Agreement between the United Kingdom Government and the Scottish Government on a referendum on independence for Scotland",
      "url": "https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/313612/scottish_referendum_agreement.pdf"
    },
    {
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      "url": "https://www.gov.uk/government/news/scottish-independence-referendum-whats-next"
    },
    {
      "title": "Accordance with international law of the unilateral declaration of independence in respect of Kosovo",
      "url": "https://icj-cij.org/case/141"
    },
    {
      "title": "WTO: Tariff and trade data",
      "url": "https://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/tariffs_e/tariff_data_e.htm"
    },
    {
      "title": "Globalization (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy/Spring 2024 Edition)",
      "url": "https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/spr2024/entries/globalization/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Nationalism (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy/Spring 2024 Edition)",
      "url": "https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/spr2024/entries/nationalism/"
    },
    {
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    },
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      "url": "https://eur-lex.europa.eu/eli/treaty/tfeu_2016/art_20/oj/eng"
    },
    {
      "title": "Solidarity drives online virality in a nation under attack, study of Ukrainian social media reveals",
      "url": "https://www.cam.ac.uk/stories/ukraine-social-media"
    },
    {
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      "url": "https://trumpwhitehouse.archives.gov/briefings-statements/the-inaugural-address/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Excerpt from Nations and Nationalism",
      "url": "https://www.lse.ac.uk/researchAndExpertise/units/gellner/gellner12.html"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Origins of National Consciousness",
      "url": "https://www.versobooks.com/blogs/news/4812-the-origins-of-national-consciousness"
    },
    {
      "title": "Looking into the Verso Archive",
      "url": "https://www.versobooks.com/blogs/news/2403-looking-into-the-verso-archive"
    },
    {
      "title": "Introduction: Inventing Traditions",
      "url": "https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/the-invention-of-tradition/introduction-inventing-traditions/05B9EDFC0304BE3F5D704BB66B286710"
    },
    {
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    },
    {
      "title": "Eric John Ernest Hobsbawm, 1917–2012",
      "url": "https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/central-european-history/article/eric-john-ernest-hobsbawm-19172012/107045BB83EA74C2645032828B3BA7D9"
    },
    {
      "title": "Nationalism and the State, Breuilly",
      "url": "https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/N/bo3619074.html"
    },
    {
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      "url": "https://newleftreview.org/issues/i198/articles/miroslav-hroch-from-national-movement-to-the-fully-formed-nation.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Nation as form, category, event",
      "url": "https://is.muni.cz/el/fss/jaro2011/SOC788/um/BRUBAKER_Nationalism_reframed.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Nationalism (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)",
      "url": "https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/nationalism/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Liberal Loyalty, Chapter 1",
      "url": "https://assets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s8929.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Testing the National Identity Argument in a Time of Crisis – Evidence from Israel",
      "url": "https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/nationalities-papers/article/testing-the-national-identity-argument-in-a-time-of-crisis-evidence-from-israel/23371BAD7A2537A9CE6DA82297D12B22"
    },
    {
      "title": "Were there nations in Antiquity?",
      "url": "https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/power-and-the-nation-in-european-history/were-there-nations-in-antiquity/78134AED81C5FA6E6347212736152853"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Antiquity of Nations",
      "url": "https://www.wiley-vch.de/en/areas-interest/humanities-social-sciences/the-antiquity-of-nations-978-0-7456-2745-8"
    }
  ],
  "license": "https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"
}