{
  "id": "mahatma-gandhi",
  "title": "Mahatma Gandhi",
  "lang": "en",
  "source_lang": "en",
  "summary": "Indian lawyer and political leader who led the nonviolent campaign against British rule in India and whose methods influenced global movements for rights and independence (1869–1948).",
  "category": "history",
  "subcategory": "",
  "type": "person",
  "aliases": [
    "Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi",
    "Bapu",
    "Father of the Nation"
  ],
  "generated_at": "2026-10-08",
  "model": "pro/claude-haiku-5-5",
  "url": "https://aiwiki.page/en/mahatma-gandhi/",
  "translations": {
    "zh-Hans": {
      "url": "https://aiwiki.page/zh/mahatma-gandhi/",
      "json": "https://aiwiki.page/zh/mahatma-gandhi.json"
    }
  },
  "sections": [
    {
      "heading": "",
      "text": "Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (1869–1948), known as Mahatma (Sanskrit for \"great soul\") Gandhi, was a lawyer, political leader and moral thinker who led the Indian movement against British colonial rule through campaigns of nonviolent resistance, which he called satyagraha. Trained in law in London, he spent about two decades in South Africa before returning to India in 1915. Over the next three decades he became the central figure of the Indian National Congress and of the wider struggle for self-rule, and his views on religion, ethics, economics and social reform were as important to his public role as his political tactics.\n\nHis methods, including boycotts, mass civil disobedience, fasting and the 1930 Salt March, shaped anticolonial movements in Asia and Africa and influenced the American civil rights movement. He is widely called the \"Father of the Nation\" in India, and his birthday, 2 October, is marked in India and was designated the International Day of Nonviolence by the United Nations in 2007. His career also raised enduring questions about democracy, decolonization, human rights and the limits of moral persuasion in politics.\n\nThis entry follows his life in rough chronological order, from his family and legal training through the South African years, the making of satyagraha, his return to India and the mass campaigns of the 1920s and 1930s, to World War II, Partition and his assassination in January 1948. It then treats his writings and ideas in more depth, reports the main historical debates about his record, and ends with his legacy and commemoration."
    },
    {
      "heading": "Early life and family background",
      "text": "Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was born on 2 October 1869 in Porbandar, a port on the Kathiawar Peninsula that was then a small princely state within the Kathiawar Agency of British India. It is now part of Gujarat, and the town was also known as Sudamapuri. His father, Karamchand, whom people called Kaba Gandhi, spent most of his career in the state's service. He held the post of diwan (chief minister) of Porbandar from 1847 to 1874 and then served in Rajkot. He was in office as diwan of Porbandar from 1847 to 1874, and later as diwan of Rajkot until 1885. Generations of his paternal relatives had also worked as officials in the princely administration. Karamchand had little formal schooling, but he was regarded as a capable administrator, and his quick temper was a known weakness. He had very little formal education, but his knowledge and experience made him a good administrator, though he had one fault: a bad temper.\n\nHis mother, Putlibai, was the youngest of Karamchand's wives and a central influence on the boy. Her piety showed in daily temple worship and in frequent fasting. She was deeply religious and worshipped at the temple every day. The household followed Vaishnavism, the worship of Vishnu, which is a Hindu tradition. As a Hindu he followed Vaishnavism, or the worship of the Hindu god Vishnu. Contacts with Jain friends and neighbours also shaped the religious atmosphere of his childhood, though the sources describe this influence only in general terms. A stage play about King Harishchandra, who kept to truth despite great suffering, also left a deep impression on him. Seeing King Harishchandra suffer for, but finally triumph in, his adherence to Truth in a play was another powerful influence on his early life.\n\nIn May 1883, when he was about thirteen, Gandhi was married in an arranged union to Kasturbai Makhanji, a girl of about his own age. Sources differ slightly on the exact ages of the couple. In May 1883, the 13-year-old Mohandas was married to 14-year-old Kasturbai Makhanji, in an arranged child marriage according to the custom of the region. The festivities took place at the family's older house in Porbandar. Looking back, Gandhi remembered the day mainly as one of new clothes, sweets and games with relatives, and not as any real understanding of what marriage meant. Gandhi later recalled that for the young couple the day of marriage only meant a day of enjoyment. In his later writings he came to condemn child marriage, a position that set him apart from many customs of his time.\n\nGandhi's schooling began in Porbandar and continued in Rajkot after the family moved there. He attended primary school in Porbandar and later a high school in Rajkot, where he showed no particular brilliance and avoided company. His record was unremarkable. He remained an average student at his middle school in Porbandar and his high school in Rajkot. Marriage also disrupted his studies. His studies were set back severely by his child marriage at the age of thirteen.\n\nThe turning point came after his father's death in November 1885. Karamchand died on 16 November 1885 in Rajkot. Matriculation followed in 1887, when he cleared the matriculation examination of the University of Bombay in November 1887. He then enrolled at Samaldas College in Bhavnagar in January 1888, and the switch from Gujarati to English challenged him. He found the complex lectures difficult to follow and dropped out. Medicine had attracted him, but the family's expectations pointed towards law. Gandhi wanted to study medicine, but law ran in the family. A family friend proposed that training as a barrister in England would let him take his father's place in state service, and this proposal set the path that led to London."
    },
    {
      "heading": "Legal training in London and early practice in India",
      "text": "Gandhi sailed from Bombay for England on 4 September 1888 to study law and qualify as a barrister. He was admitted as a student of the Inner Temple on 6 November 1888; the Inner Temple was one of the four Inns of Court that together trained English barristers. He also enrolled at University College London for courses in Indian law and jurisprudence. He found the Bar examinations less demanding than he had expected, but his weak command of English worried him, so on a friend's suggestion he sat the London Matriculation examination to improve his language and general knowledge.\n\nLife in London was shaped by his religious commitments. Students were required to attend a minimum number of formal dinners each term, and Gandhi had vowed to his mother to abstain from meat, alcohol and women, so he had to find ways to keep to these promises at table. He read the sacred texts of several religions and became acquainted with vegetarian societies, members of the Theosophical Society and English translations of the Bhagavad Gita, which drew him further into questions of Hindu belief and ethics. Two Kathiawari acquaintances, the lawyer Tryambakrai Mazumdar and Dr Pranjivan Mehta, became close friends and later helped him, and a London landlady provided lodgings that became his first home in the city. Vegetarianism and the reading of scripture were thus already part of his London life before he returned.\n\nHe was called to the Bar on 10 June 1891 and was enrolled in the High Court of England the following day, before sailing for India. Back in India he set up practice in Bombay, where his first case was a minor matter in the Small Causes Court for a fee of thirty rupees. The Bombay venture went poorly. He was too shy to speak up in court, and in a notable episode he was unable to cross-examine a witness. After about six months he moved to Rajkot, where he drafted petitions for litigants to make a modest living, but this work also ended after he clashed with a British official. Gandhi later remarked that it was easy to be called to the Bar but difficult to practise, since he had studied the law without learning how to practise it.\n\nThe turning point came from a commercial dispute rather than from his own prospects in India. In April 1893 he accepted an offer from Dada Abdulla & Co., a Muslim trading firm from Porbandar with a branch in Durban, Natal. The engagement was for one year, and the firm agreed to pay his travel and living costs along with a fee of 105 pounds. His job was to help instruct counsel in a large suit against a rival trading house, to handle English correspondence and to translate Gujarati documents, with the case to be heard in Pretoria. He landed in Durban on 24 May 1893. Gandhi had accepted the post as a short, temporary engagement, and it would be the beginning of the South African years that followed."
    },
    {
      "heading": "South African years and the Indian community in Natal",
      "text": "Gandhi went to Durban in 1893 to work on a commercial case for the firm of Abdullah, and he was soon sent on to Pretoria in the Transvaal. Shortly after settling into his work with Abdullah in Durban, Gandhi was asked to travel to Pretoria in the Transvaal to attend to the legal dispute. On the night of 7 June 1893, a white passenger objected to an Indian man holding a first-class ticket, and Gandhi was removed from the train at Pietermaritzburg. Accounts differ on the sequence. He was ordered to move to the third-class compartment, and he refused. A less formal account says that on the following day, on the continuing journey, he was made to sit beside the coachman and was beaten when he would not sit on a footboard.\n\nGandhi spent the cold night in the station's waiting room. In his autobiography he recalled that he did not ask for his overcoat, which was in his luggage, for fear of further insult. He afterwards presented the episode as the point at which he accepted a personal duty to fight for his rights. He had planned to leave South Africa after his one-year contract, but he chose to stay and challenge discrimination. A plaque at the station, which Gandhi's own account supports, states that his active non-violence began that night. Historians generally treat the event as a turning point, but the main evidence for its significance comes from Gandhi's own later writing.\n\nThe organisation through which he pursued these grievances was the Natal Indian Congress. Sources give different dates for its founding. One gives 22 August 1894 as the formal founding, in Colonial South Africa to combat discrimination against Indians in Natal Colony and Province, while another says Gandhi helped form it in May 1894. The immediate trigger came at a farewell dinner, where Gandhi learned of the Natal Legislative Assembly's plan to strip Indians of the vote. The community asked him to delay his departure and lead the campaign, and he drafted a petition that same night. Dada Abdulla became the first president, with Gandhi as honorary secretary.\n\nThe early membership was narrow. During the organization's early days, the NIC was made up of educated merchants who could afford to pay the membership fee. Its main mission was to protect Indian business owners. Gandhi nonetheless described this as the first occasion on which Indians had themselves organised a protest campaign, rather than only taking part in one. Former indentured workers and their descendants, who spoke English and could write neatly, also took on copying and petition work with enthusiasm. Its purpose was to bring together immigrants from many regions, languages and religions under one secular organisation.\n\nGandhi's legal practice drew heavily on Indian clients, and the courts became one of the places where he contested discriminatory measures. When the Second Boer War erupted in October 1899, he sought to use the conflict to press the case for Indian rights. Indians were not admitted as combatants, so the volunteers offered stretcher-bearer service. This offer was initially declined. However, General Buller, later recognizing a need for assistance, intervened and had the decision reversed. Gandhi believed that visible loyalty to the empire might soften racial barriers. The corps had 300 free Indians and 800 indentured labourers. It reached the field hospital at Chieveley in December 1899 and carried the wounded from the battle of Colenso. Gandhi later received British medals for this work.\n\nIndian residents in the region faced a steadily tightening set of laws in this period. Indian residents were mostly either indentured labourers or small traders and faced legal segregation, were excluded from the vote, barred from owning land in designated zones, and regularly subjected to random searches or restrictions on movement. In Natal, the 1894 franchise measure removed the vote from most Indians, and a later law of 1895 restricted further immigration and imposed an annual tax on former indentured workers who remained. In the Transvaal, Law 3 of 1885 confined Asian residence and trade to designated areas and required registration and licensing. The NIC's response combined petitions, boycotts and deputations. These methods were tested against the escalating restrictions, and they set the stage for the satyagraha campaigns discussed below."
    },
    {
      "heading": "Origins and meaning of satyagraha",
      "text": "The movement that produced satyagraha began in the Transvaal in 1906, when the colonial government moved to tighten control over its Asian population. Satyagraha, the term and the first implementation of it as such, developed in South Africa out of resistance to the proposed Asiatic Registration Act of 1906. The act would have required fingerprinting and registration of every individual of Asian descent eight years or older living in the Transvaal, and severe penalties accompanied the act.\n\nThe method was first put into practice at a mass meeting in Johannesburg on 11 September 1906. The meeting was held at 2pm in the Empire Theatre after all Indian businesses had closed from 10am that morning. There Gandhi called on his fellow Indians to defy the new law and to accept the punishment for doing so, rather than resist through violent means. The name was not fixed on that day. The movement was first called \"passive resistance,\" and the Gujarati term was settled later. One account dates the coinage to November 1907, while another notes that a suggestion from Maganlal Gandhi, \"Sadagraha,\" was refined by Gandhi into \"Satyagraha\" to make the meaning clearer.\n\nThe word combines two Sanskrit roots: satya, meaning truth, and agraha, meaning firmness or holding fast. Gandhi rendered the compound in several ways. He described it as holding on to truth, hence truth-force, and he also called it love-force or soul-force. He further argued that truth implies love, and firmness serves as a synonym for force.\n\nDistinction from passive resistance\n\nGandhi rejected \"passive resistance\" partly because it suggested weakness. He and others began using satyagraha instead of the earlier term, which seemed to imply weakness and an exclusively English derivation. A critic's description of the movement as a \"weapon of the weak\" was likewise contradicted by Gandhi, who insisted that satyagraha demanded moral strength. The more analytical distinction is that satyagraha is truth-oriented, whereas passive resistance is power-oriented. Passive resistance is a form of nonviolent coercion that seeks to compel the opponent to act against his will, whereas satyagraha is not intentionally coercive and seeks to persuade the opponent to do what is right. Because the aim is conversion rather than compulsion, satyagrahis are careful to choose methods appropriate to this aim. Gandhi also saw nonviolence as a matter of principle rather than tactics: the satyagrahi is required to abstain from violence in thought, word, and deed, even under provocation. Ahimsa (non-violence) and passive resistance are therefore treated as distinct concepts in his thought.\n\nMethods in South Africa\n\nThe South African campaigns used a range of non-cooperation tactics. Resisters refused to register and, in one 1908 action, burned about 2,000 official certificates of domicile at a public meeting and courted jail. The largest phase came in 1913, when a renewed campaign targeted the £3 tax and the restrictions on movement between provinces. Women crossed provincial borders without permits, and Gandhi initiated a campaign in Newcastle, Natal, on October 13, 1913, against the £3 tax on ex-indentured laborers. Within weeks, between 4,000 and 5,000 miners had joined the strike. Unexpectedly, 15,000 Indian workers in coastal sugar districts also joined, paralyzing industries throughout Natal.\n\nThe march that followed is the best-documented episode of this phase. On November 6, 1913, 2,037 men, 127 women and 57 children began marching from Newcastle toward the Transvaal border. The marchers deliberately crossed provincial borders without permits in an act of civil disobedience aimed at immigration restrictions. Accounts of the size vary; one source puts the number of workers at over 6,000, so the figures should be treated with caution. Gandhi was imprisoned three times within four days and finally sentenced to nine months of hard labor. The authorities did not succeed in breaking the strike quickly, and the campaign ended with a settlement only after the government had been pressed by both the strikes and the intervention of Gandhi's allies.\n\nSelf-suffering, fasting and ethical limits\n\nGandhi placed self-suffering at the centre of satyagraha. In his account, pursuit of truth did not admit of violence being inflicted on one's opponent; the opponent must be weaned from error by patience and compassion, because what seems true to one party may seem false to the other. He concluded that the doctrine came to mean vindication of truth, not by infliction of suffering on the opponent, but on oneself.\n\nFasting and personal privation were used as forms of pressure. During the 1913 struggle, after the arrests and the treatment of families, Gandhi took a triple vow of self-suffering: to dress like a poor laborer, to walk barefoot, and to have only one meal a day until the poll tax and other injustices were abolished.\n\nThe ethical limits he set were significant. Violence against opponents was excluded, and the aim was to change the opponent's mind rather than to defeat him by force. These limits did not prevent criticism. Some contemporaries accused Gandhi of egoism and of antagonising the white population, particularly because he had not supported earlier campaigns against the £3 tax. Later historians have continued to assess how far the principles he set out were applied in practice, and this assessment is discussed in the historiography section below."
    },
    {
      "heading": "Community experiments: Phoenix, Tolstoy Farm and ashrams",
      "text": "Phoenix Settlement (1904)\n\nGandhi's first communal venture grew out of his press. Gandhi used the weekly Indian Opinion, which first appeared on 6 June 1903, to share his philosophy of passive resistance – satyagraha. In 1904 he moved the operation to land near Durban. The property was named Phoenix Farm, after a nearby railway station of that name. The site covered 100 acres of land and lay about 20 kilometres north of Durban.\n\nThe settlement's economy was based on shared work. Press workers were to hold a share in the land and in any profits, grow their own food, and work jointly to produce Indian Opinion. Dairy and food gardens supplied the community, and everyone on the settlement had to take part in communal activities, including the daily prayers and hymn singing that Gandhi himself had introduced. The community was also multi-faith in practice. Albert West, an English associate, described a scene in which followers of several religions gathered to chant and recite scriptures in different languages. The settlement offered accommodation, meals and education to the families of people who joined the satyagraha campaigns.\n\nTolstoy Farm (1910–1913)\n\nTolstoy Farm was set up near Johannesburg with Hermann Kallenbach, an architect who had become Gandhi's close associate. Sources differ on how the land was acquired. One account says Kallenbach donated a 1,100-acre farm to Gandhi, while a local history records that the land was purchased by Kallenbach from Johannesburg Town Councillor L. V. Partridge for £2,000 on 30 May 1910. Kallenbach chose the name in homage to Leo Tolstoy, whose writings had shaped his outlook. The farm was intended to train new passive resisters, to serve as a shelter for the families of prisoners, and to test communal living and multi-denominational prayer.\n\nThe farm's buildings included living quarters, workshops, and a school. Residents performed all the labour themselves. There were no servants on the farm, and all the work, from cooking down to scavenging, was done by the inmates. Schooling was a central concern. Children aged six to sixteen spent on average about eight hours a day in manual training and one or two hours on book learning. Girls and boys were taught together, and Gandhi took the concept further by introducing vocational training to give all-round development. Kallenbach himself adopted the simple lifestyle, vegetarian diet and equality politics of Gandhi while there. The community's end date is reported inconsistently: one source says it was founded in 1910 and disbanded in 1913, while another says Gandhi and Kallenbach closed it when they left South Africa for India after 1914.\n\nSabarmati Satyagraha Ashram (1915–1917 onward)\n\nAfter his return to India, Gandhi carried the model forward. He established the Satyagraha Ashram at Kochrab on 25 May 1915, relocating the small community in June 1917 to the banks of the Sabarmati river. The site was held in a collective trust, and it grew from 25 residents to nearly 300 members.\n\nResidents were bound by a set of vows. They committed to eleven observances considered essential to universal wellbeing: truth; nonviolence; celibacy; control of the palate; non-stealing; non-possession; physical labor; economic independence; fearlessness; removal of untouchability; and tolerance. Daily life was shared as well: everyone wore simple uniforms and ate together in a common kitchen. The ashram carried forward the South African experiments, including farming, multifaith worship, practicing celibacy, and alternative education.\n\nCommon threads: self-reliance and basic education\n\nAcross these three settings, food production, manual labour and learning were combined. At Phoenix the food gardens made the settlement largely self-sufficient, and at Tolstoy Farm manual work was paired with instruction every day. These arrangements formed the groundwork for the later ashram way of life and for the Nai Talim scheme of basic education, which Gandhi developed in India. The eleven vows also made physical labour a formal duty, reflecting the same logic that had shaped the earlier communities."
    },
    {
      "heading": "Return to India and early mass campaigns",
      "text": "Gandhi returned to India in January 1915 after more than two decades in South Africa. His political mentor, Gopal Krishna Gokhale, advised him to spend about a year travelling the country before taking public positions, and to avoid speaking on political questions during that time. Gandhi followed this advice. The year gave him direct knowledge of conditions in villages and towns across the subcontinent, and it also helped establish him as a figure distinct from the established Congress leadership. His first major public appearance came at the opening of the Banaras Hindu University in February 1916. In 1917 his ashram moved from Kochrab, near Ahmedabad, to a site on the Sabarmati River.\n\nThe Champaran campaign of 1917 was his first sustained mobilisation of rural grievances in India. It began when Rajkumar Shukla, an indigo cultivator, asked him to look into the situation of peasants in Champaran district of Bihar. Under the tinkathia system, tenants were compelled to grow indigo on a fixed share of their holdings for European planters, a share usually given as 15 per cent. Colonial officials initially obstructed his inquiry. The dispute ended with a settlement that abolished the tinkathia obligation and returned part of the money the planters had extracted illegally.\n\nIn 1918 Gandhi turned to Gujarat, his home region, where he took on two disputes that differed in character from Champaran. The first was a strike by textile workers in Ahmedabad, which began in March 1918 over the continuation of a plague bonus. Here Indian workers were pitted against Indian mill owners, so the issue was one of domestic industrial justice rather than direct opposition to the colonial state. At the request of the labour leader Anusuya Sarabhai, Gandhi began a fast on 15 March. The owners agreed within days to refer the matter to arbitration, and the award granted a 35 per cent wage increase, which was considerably more than the 20 per cent the owners had offered. The fast is generally regarded as one of his first uses of hunger strike as a form of satyagraha.\n\nThe second Gujarat campaign was the Kheda agitation, in which peasants whose crops had failed during famine and plague epidemic refused to pay the full land revenue to the government. Gandhi's role there was chiefly that of a spiritual and strategic guide, while local organisers carried much of the daily work. The campaign was a no-tax movement against the state, and the outcome was that the government agreed to collect revenue only from those who could actually pay.\n\nTaken together, these three episodes linked a rural struggle over land, an urban struggle over wages and a peasant struggle over taxation under one method of non-violent pressure. They drew Gandhi into contact with both cultivators and industrial workers, and they showed Congress activists that a disciplined campaign could win concessions without armed force. His standing in the Indian National Congress rose accordingly, and he moved from a figure known mainly for his work in South Africa to a leader with a national following. The Rowlatt controversy of 1919, which led to the nationwide campaigns discussed in the following section, built directly on this reputation."
    },
    {
      "heading": "Rowlatt Satyagraha and the non-cooperation movement",
      "text": "The Rowlatt Act extended wartime emergency powers into peacetime. The act effectively authorized the colonial British government to imprison any person suspected of terrorism living in British India for up to two years without trial. Gandhi treated the measure as the moment to test mass satyagraha on a national scale. On 1 March 1919 he published a pledge to refuse civil obedience to the Rowlatt laws and called for a nationwide cessation of economic activity. He set up a dedicated Satyagraha Sabha, headquartered in Bombay, because he did not believe existing institutions could handle such a weapon. The movement's first major action was a countrywide hartal. Indians were asked to observe a day of humiliation and prayer by fasting and peacefully defying the law.\n\nGandhi's attempt to reach Punjab on 8 April 1919 was blocked. He was arrested on his way to Delhi for refusing to obey orders barring him from entering Punjab and Delhi, and was escorted back to Bombay. In Punjab, unrest quickly turned violent. The local leaders Saifuddin Kitchlew and Satyapal were arrested and deported in Amritsar. A crowd of 5,000 rushed the civil station in Amritsar and burned the Town Hall, and troops fired, causing 30 casualties. The city was placed under de facto martial law and command was handed to Brigadier-General Reginald Dyer. Gandhi himself called off the Rowlatt campaign on 18 April, describing the mass action as a \"Himalayan blunder\" made without adequate training.\n\nOn 13 April 1919, Dyer's troops fired on a crowd gathered at the enclosed park of Jallianwala Bagh in Amritsar. Dyer had banned public meetings, but the notice was not widely circulated. The troops blocked the main exit and fired for about ten minutes, targeting the narrow gates through which people tried to flee. Casualty estimates differ. One source gives 379 to 700 deaths, while another states that over 1,000 people were killed. The official inquiry, the Hunter Commission, condemned Dyer's actions as \"monstrous\" but imposed no penal or disciplinary action against him. The massacre changed Gandhi's political assumptions. It fundamentally altered his belief that the British government operated for the benefit of India. Earlier, he had supported the British war effort in the hope of gaining concessions, and after 1919 he came to demand full independence.\n\nThe non-cooperation movement followed in 1920. It was linked to the Khilafat question, since the Khilafat movement aimed at protecting the Ottoman Caliphate, and Hindus and Muslims united against the indifference of the British government to their problems. Congress approved the movement at its special session in Calcutta in September 1920, and the Nagpur session endorsed it in December 1920. Its programme asked Indians to withdraw from British institutions. It included surrender of titles and honorary positions, resignation from local bodies, boycott of the elections held under the 1919 Act, boycott of government functions, boycott of courts, government schools and colleges, and boycott of foreign goods. Gandhi also promoted swadeshi, hand-spinning and the removal of untouchability as part of the same programme. The movement reached a high point of Hindu-Muslim unity as a result of the merger with the Khilafat movement.\n\nThe movement ended after the violence at Chauri Chaura in Gorakhpur district. Sources differ on the exact date of the incident, giving 4 or 5 February 1922. A crowd of about 2,500 marching toward the market was fired on by police, killing three demonstrators, and the enraged crowd set the police station on fire with about 22 policemen trapped inside. Gandhi felt responsible for the killings and feared the whole movement could degenerate into an orgy of violence between the police and mobs. He judged that the movement had not adequately internalised ahimsa and called off the campaign at the national level, with dates given as 11 or 12 February 1922. He also undertook a five-day fast as penance. The decision split the Congress. Leaders such as Motilal Nehru and C. R. Das opposed the suspension, arguing it was taken because of sporadic violence. Gandhi was arrested in March 1922 and was sentenced to six years in prison."
    },
    {
      "heading": "The Salt March and the civil disobedience campaign of 1930",
      "text": "The salt monopoly as a target\n\nUnder the Salt Act of 1882, the colonial administration reserved salt production and sale for itself, leaving buyers to obtain salt from licensed sources and pay the levy, a burden that bore hardest on the poor. Gandhi regarded this as an injustice touching every household, since salt was indispensable to daily life. He judged that breaking the law required no special skill, so many Indians could defy it nonviolently. The salt issue thus gave the broader satyagraha campaign a concrete, universal grievance that could draw in people across classes and regions.\n\nThe march from Sabarmati to Dandi\n\nOn 2 March 1930 Gandhi informed Viceroy Lord Irwin that he and the others would begin breaking the Salt Laws in 10 days. He set out on 12 March with 78 of his trusted volunteers. The march spanned 387 kilometres (240 mi), from Sabarmati Ashram to Dandi, a coastal village in what is now Gujarat. Each evening the column halted at a different village, where Gandhi addressed gatherings on the unfairness of the tax on the poor, and recruits joined along the route. The group reached Dandi on 5 April. Sources differ slightly on dates: some give 6 April as the day of salt-making, which took place on the shore that morning. Gandhi and his followers picked up handfuls of salt along the seashore, and by doing so they technically produced salt and broke the law. None of the protesters was arrested that day.\n\nMass civil disobedience and the colonial response\n\nThe act was meant to be imitated. For the next two months, Gandhi continued his satyagraha, urging other Indians to break the salt laws by committing acts of civil disobedience. Resistance spread through coastal and inland districts, and civil disobedience broke out all across India, soon involving millions of Indians, and British authorities arrested more than 60,000 people. Arrests reached prominent figures as well: the nonviolent march and other, similar marches resulted in the arrest of nearly 60,000 people, including Gandhi himself. Jawaharlal Nehru was among the thousands imprisoned. Accounts differ on the timing of the total, with one source placing the figure of more than 60,000 by the end of the year.\n\nThe government was divided over how to respond. Lord Irwin, who headed the repression of Indian nationalism, did not relish the role, while the British-run Indian Civil Service and the commercial community favoured even harsher measures.\n\nThe Gandhi–Irwin Pact and the Round Table\n\nGandhi and Irwin had eight meetings that totalled 24 hours. The resulting agreement was publicly announced on 5 March 1931. Under its terms, the Congress committed itself to discontinue the Civil Disobedience Movement and to take part in the next session of the Round Table Conference. In return, the government conceded the release of political prisoners, the right to produce salt for domestic use, lifting some repressive restrictions. Gandhi himself considered the terms short of those he had prescribed as the minimum for a truce, though he accepted them.\n\nGandhi then travelled to London as the sole official Congress representative at the Second Round Table Conference, held from September to December 1931. The talks foundered on the communal question, namely the allocation of separate electorates among Muslims, Sikhs, Depressed Classes, and other groups, and Gandhi returned empty-handed. The conference's failure on communal representation later shaped the disputes over minority rights described in the sections that follow, and the sessions are discussed further in the entry on the Round Table Conferences and on the Indian National Congress."
    },
    {
      "heading": "Untouchability, the Harijan campaign and the Poona Pact",
      "text": "Gandhi regarded the removal of untouchability as a reform the caste-Hindu community had to undertake on its own behalf, not a separate political demand. His stance produced a direct clash with Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, who spoke for the Depressed Classes, over how those classes should be represented.\n\nThe Communal Award and the fast at Yerwada\n\nThe clash began with the Communal Award of August 1932, which granted the Depressed Classes separate electorates. Ambedkar argued that upper-caste reformers could not represent the depressed classes and that they needed their own leaders. Gandhi took the opposite view. He held that separate electorates would split Hindu society, and in Yerwada Central Jail near Poona he began a fast unto death on 20 September 1932. The fast was directed against the separate electorates announced by the British government.\n\nThe fast forced rapid negotiation. Ambedkar, Madan Mohan Malaviya, M. C. Rajah, Tej Bahadur Sapru and other leaders took part, with Gandhi consulted from his cell.\n\nThe Poona Pact\n\nThe settlement was signed on 24 September 1932. Its central change was to replace separate electorates with a system of joint electorates with reserved seats. Under the pact, members of the depressed classes who were eligible to vote formed an electoral college, which elected four candidates from the depressed classes. The number of seats also grew substantially. The reserved seats in the provincial legislatures rose from about 71 to 148. In the central legislature, 18 percent of the seats allotted to the general electorate for British India were to be reserved for the Depressed Classes.\n\nGandhi ended his fast only after the agreement was reached. He broke it on September 26, in the presence of Rabindranath Tagore, after the Hindu and Depressed Class leaders had signed the agreement in his presence.\n\nDivergent positions\n\nThe pact did not satisfy everyone who had a stake in it. The leaders of the Depressed Classes, including Ambedkar, were not happy with the Poona Pact. Their objection was that joint voting left Dalit candidates dependent on the votes of caste Hindus, which weakened the separate political voice that Ambedkar had sought. Gandhi's supporters, by contrast, presented the agreement as a way to keep Hindu society united and to secure more seats for the Depressed Classes than the original award had offered. These differing assessments became a lasting point of contention in later scholarship, discussed further in the historiography section.\n\nTemple entry, the Harijan Sevak Sangh and the weekly Harijan\n\nAfter the pact, Gandhi turned to social reform. On 30 September 1932 he founded the All India Anti Untouchability League, which was later renamed the Harijan Sevak Sangh, or \"Servants of Harijan Society.\" The organisation aimed to end untouchability through education, social work and campaigns for access to public places. 8 January 1933 was observed as \"Temple Entry Day.\"\n\nGandhi also adopted the word \"Harijan,\" which he rendered as \"Children of God,\" to replace terms such as \"untouchables\" and \"depressed classes.\" Several Dalit activists, Ambedkar among them, objected that the term was paternalistic and did not address the political and social rights at stake. The English-language weekly Harijan was founded by Gandhi on February 11, 1933, in Poona, to campaign for social reform against untouchability. R. V. Shastri served as the first editor of the English weekly under Gandhi's direct supervision. The paper was published from 1933 to 1955, apart from a break during the Quit India movement of the 1940s."
    },
    {
      "heading": "Khadi, swadeshi and village economics",
      "text": "Gandhi's economic ideas were tied to a political strategy. He argued that British rule rested partly on control of Indian industry, and that textiles were the clearest example. Swadeshi, meaning the preference for locally made goods, became the framework for a boycott of imported cloth. Khadi, hand-spun and hand-woven fabric, became its everyday symbol. In 1922 Gandhi asked the Indian National Congress to set up a khadi department, and in 1924 a semi-independent All India Khadi Board was created to coordinate work at provincial and district levels.\n\nThe All-India Spinners' Association (AISA) was formed in 1925, with Gandhi as its founder. Its structure was designed to organise spinning and weaving across the country, and Gandhi pressed Congress members to spin their own yarn. In 1929 he also held a competition for a small, portable spinning wheel, which made the charkha easier to use in homes and in jail. The spinning wheel was less a productive machine than a means of making a moral and political commitment visible in daily life.\n\nThe economic case rested on rural households. Gandhi argued that most agricultural families faced long periods without work, and that spinning could add income while keeping women and villagers involved in the national economy. He also presented the charkha as a way to reduce the outflow of wealth from India. The same logic extended to other crafts. Gandhi set up the All-India Village Industries Association in Wardha in 1934, aiming to build a self-sufficient rural economy in which village workshops supplied basic needs. J. C. Kumarappa, his close collaborator, developed these ideas into an \"economy of permanence\" that stressed service, restraint and the sustainable use of natural resources.\n\nTwo further principles framed the programme. The first was trusteeship, in which the wealthy would hold surplus wealth for the community rather than treat it as absolute private property, and in which wealth would be used for social welfare. Gandhi believed that owners could be persuaded to accept this role, and he rejected class conflict as the main route to justice. Socialists criticised the idea as favouring landlords and capitalists. The second principle was bread labour, the view that everyone should earn their food through physical work. Gandhi drew this idea from Tolstoy and from the Bhagavad Gita, and he used it to challenge contempt for manual labour and the separation of the educated from productive work.\n\nGandhi's economic thought drew sustained criticism. Economists and industrial leaders argued that mechanised production, larger scale and state planning were necessary for development, and that village industry could not raise living standards on its own. Jawaharlal Nehru, while calling khadi the livery of freedom, pushed for industrialisation and planned development, and the Congress's later economic policy moved towards that direction. Critics also noted practical problems. Handspun yarn was often more expensive and less uniform than mill yarn, and weavers frequently preferred mill-produced thread. Later scholars have debated whether Gandhian economics was a practical programme, a moral critique of market society, or both, and whether its goals of self-sufficiency and equality could be reconciled with the demands of a modern economy. These disputes are discussed in the historiography section. Trusteeship and economic theory remain central points of comparison in these debates."
    },
    {
      "heading": "Hind Swaraj and critique of modern civilization",
      "text": "Gandhi wrote Hind Swaraj in Gujarati in 1909, during the sea voyage from London back to South Africa. Written in just ten days aboard a ship from London to South Africa in 1909, Hind Swaraj became the foundational text of Gandhi's political thought. The text takes the form of a conversation. It is structured as a dialogue between an \"Editor,\" who represents Gandhi, and a \"Reader.\" It was never meant as a systematic philosophical treatise. Its purpose was to address the confused ideas Indians held about freedom.\n\nGandhi's target was broader than British rule. In the book he examined railways, Western-trained doctors and lawyers, and industrial machinery as the main symbols of the new order. His objections to the railways were both economic and social. He argued that they led people to sell their grain to centralized markets, which creates famines. He also held that the railways literally spread disease around India. The critique extended to parliamentary government, public education, modern medicine, and the judicial system. The central claim was moral. Gandhi held that material progress was not the same as human improvement. In his words, \"India is being ground down, not under the English heel, but under that of modern civilization.\"\n\nInterpreters disagree about how literally the critique should be read. Gandhi himself used railways and medicine, which critics have pointed to as a tension in his position. His writings present a rejection of technology that was not always reflected in his real-life use of modern inventions such as railways and medicine. Other readers emphasise that his objection was to particular social effects rather than to machines as such. On this reading, he opposed technologies that displaced workers, concentrated wealth, and undermined village economies. Both readings draw on the same text, and the book's dialogue form makes it hard to assign each statement to Gandhi's settled view.\n\nThe book's most influential idea is its account of swaraj. The word literally means 'self-rule in India'. Gandhi rejected a version of self-government that would simply reproduce the colonial state. He warned against a India that would have \"English rule without the Englishman.\" He separated swaraj as a political condition from swaraj as a personal and moral one. In the second sense, the principle reads: \"It is Swaraj when we learn to rule ourselves.\" Self-rule in this sense meant control over mind, impure thoughts and deeds. For Gandhi, merely formal independence from British rule would not be enough. Political change without a change in the individual would still leave India under the same kind of civilization. The concept links the book to his later campaigns for self-reliance and for decolonization through moral reform.\n\nThe book was not received uniformly. Colonial authorities acted against it quickly. The British colonial government banned Gandhi's 'Hind Swaraj' in 1910 under the Press Act for \"seditious\" content. Within the text, Gandhi also took a position on the moderate leadership of the Indian National Congress. The Reader dismisses the moderates, and the Editor defends them. The Editor describes Gopal Krishna Gokhale as one of the pillars of Home Rule. Among Congress leaders, the book's reception was mixed. Some accepted parts of its ideas, while others rejected parts of its argument. Gandhi himself did not retract its core arguments in later years. Though the British authorities in Bombay immediately proscribed it, Gandhi never retracted its core arguments."
    },
    {
      "heading": "Religious outlook and ethical practice",
      "text": "Gandhi's ethical thinking grew out of Hindu sources, above all the Bhagavad Gita, which he read as an allegory of inner conflict rather than a historical account of war. He wrote that, even when he first studied the Gita in 1908–9, he felt it described the struggle that goes on within the human heart, with physical warfare included to make that inner struggle more vivid. His central reading of the text was the doctrine of selfless action: individuals should fulfil their responsibilities without attachment to the results. In his Anasaktiyoga commentary he argued that whoever would pursue selflessness must necessarily practise nonviolence, so that ahimsa is a necessary preliminary included within selflessness. He also wrote that perfect renunciation is impossible without perfect observance of ahimsa in every shape and form.\n\nHis ethical practice rested on a small set of principles: ahimsa (non-violence), satya (truth), brahmacharya (celibacy), aparigraha (non-possession), vegetarianism, fasting and prayer. Gandhi treated truth and non-violence as two sides of the same coin, inseparable and mutually reinforcing. The vows he prescribed for residents of his ashram reflected this synthesis. The first five, namely truth, non-violence, celibacy, non-stealing and non-possession, were drawn directly from the Five Great Vows that Jain monks and laypeople have observed for centuries. Non-possession was especially strict in his practice: he held that having as few possessions as possible showed faith in God. Vegetarianism had roots in his upbringing, as his obedience to his mother developed into a lifelong ethical commitment to vegetarianism. Fasting and prayer likewise formed part of his household life from childhood, and both remained central to his later public actions.\n\nGandhi's religious thought was also shaped by Jainism more directly than his Hindu upbringing alone would suggest. Growing up in Gujarat, where Jainism has a strong cultural presence, he was constantly exposed to Jain doctrines. The most significant Jain influence on him came through Shrimad Rajchandra, a Jain philosopher and poet whom Gandhi called his spiritual guide. From Jain thought he drew the idea of ahimsa as universal love extending to all living beings, not merely abstention from physical harm, along with the doctrine of the many-sidedness of truth (anekantavada).\n\nHis interfaith engagement was equally wide. In South Africa, his reading of the Bible, especially the Sermon on the Mount, sat alongside Hindu texts and the writings of Tolstoy. He found in the Sermon a teaching of non-retaliation that he saw as parallel to the Indian tradition of ahimsa. In November 1926, when he ran a series of articles in Young India on the Sermon on the Mount, he described it as a definition of perfect dharma. He also drew on the Islamic scripture, and treated the Bhagavad Gita, the Sermon on the Mount, the Quran and Jain ethics as legitimate sources of moral insight. His evening prayer meetings at Birla House in Delhi, held in his final years, included readings from the Gita, the Quran, the Bible and the Granth Sahib. Gandhi did not identify with orthodox Christian theology, and his reading of the Sermon was in many respects independent of traditional Christian interpretation.\n\nGandhi's commitment to celibacy, which he treated as a discipline of self-control, became one of the most debated aspects of his later life. Around the time of the communal violence of the 1940s, he decided to test his resolve by sleeping naked beside one or another of the women in his circle, though without physical contact. Accounts of these practices appear in the diaries and memoirs of the women involved. Some of Gandhi's associates objected strongly. When Vallabhbhai Patel wrote to express concern and described the arrangement as contrary to dharma, Gandhi replied that for him it was a matter of moral duty. Jawaharlal Nehru, for his part, found his suggestion that couples should abstain from sex after marriage unnatural. Historians differ in how they assess these episodes. Some stress that no one has suggested that Gandhi made improper advances, while others see them as a serious problem of judgement and consent. Later testimony from participants, such as the account that Sushila Nayar gave years after Gandhi's death, describes no sexual desire, but how she felt as though she was sharing a bed with her mother, is itself part of the continuing discussion."
    },
    {
      "heading": "Congress politics and Hindu–Muslim relations",
      "text": "Gandhi's influence in the Indian National Congress during the 1920s and 1930s came less from holding office than from his hold on the party's mass base and its working committee. He presided over the Congress session at Belgaum in December 1924, but his authority was exercised mainly through loyal followers who controlled the decisions of the party's executive.\n\nThe Khilafat question was the clearest attempt to join Hindus and Muslims in a single campaign. It saw an unprecedented degree of Hindu-Muslim cooperation and it established Gandhi and his technique of nonviolent protest (satyagraha) at the center of the Indian nationalist movement. The alliance rested on a grievance that was specifically Muslim: the fate of the Ottoman caliphate after the First World War. Gandhi took up that cause as a route to joint action against British rule, and the Khilafat movement merged with the Non-Cooperation campaign. The partnership ended abruptly. In early February 1922, a mob set fire to a police station at Chauri Chaura, killing the policemen inside. Gandhi was dismayed and called off the planned civil disobedience campaign. Turkey's abolition of the caliphate in 1924 removed the movement's central aim, and the Khilafatists, who had seen mass momentum dissipate, were left disillusioned. Communal friction, which the alliance had partly held in check, returned in the following years in the form of recurring riots, and cooperation between the two communities weakened.\n\nRelations with Subhas Chandra Bose exposed a deeper rift inside the Congress. Bose's criticism of Gandhi's conservative economics and his cautious approach to independence sharpened after he came back to India in 1937. Bose was elected Congress president in 1938, and in the 1939 contest for the post, Gandhi's preferred candidate was Pattabhi Sitaramayya, whom Bose defeated to become president of the Congress Party again. The margin was narrow, and Gandhi publicly treated the outcome as a personal setback, remarking that the defeat was more his than Sitaramayya's. Bose then pressed for a far more confrontational line toward Britain, while the working committee, still dominated by Gandhi's supporters, resisted his plans. The clash over strategy, not simply personality, made the arrangement unworkable, and Bose resigned the presidency in April 1939 before founding the All India Forward Bloc.\n\nThe All-India Muslim League under Muhammad Ali Jinnah moved in the opposite direction. Its three-day session at Lahore, held from 22 to 24 March 1940, produced the Lahore Resolution. The resolution called for Muslim-majority regions in the northwest and northeast of British India to become independent sovereign states, with protections for religious minorities. Jinnah's speech argued that Muslims were a separate nation from Hindus, and their rights would not be protected in a united India. Historians later treated the resolution as the decisive step toward partition, even though its wording did not name a single state. Gandhi opposed the division of India throughout this period and held that the country should remain one. Some Congress leaders came to accept partition as the price of independence in the 1940s, leaving Gandhi increasingly isolated on the question. The gap between his position and the League's helped define the political deadlock that preceded the partition of 1947."
    },
    {
      "heading": "World War II, the Quit India movement and imprisonment",
      "text": "When war broke out in September 1939, the Viceroy, without consulting either the Central or the Provincial Legislatures, proclaimed India as having entered the war as an ally of Britain. Congress sympathised with the democracies fighting fascism but refused unconditional support for the war effort, and it demanded a clear British commitment to Indian self-determination after the war. The viceroy's statement of 17 October 1939 was judged unsatisfactory, since it promised only that constitutional reforms would be considered after the war and offered no immediate transfer of power. Congress then ordered its provincial ministries to resign, and by the end of 1939 ministries in eight provinces had resigned. Gandhi was less enthusiastic about the resignations than Nehru, fearing they would strengthen the Muslim League and give the British a free hand to militarise India. The League's leader, Jinnah, welcomed the move and called the day of the resignations a \"Day of Deliverance.\"\n\nGandhi rejected the idea of a mass movement at that stage. He argued that a large-scale campaign risked turning violent and could embarrass Britain during its war against Germany. Instead he launched Individual Satyagraha in 1940, whose aim was not to demand immediate independence but to affirm the fundamental right to free speech, specifically the right to oppose India's involvement in the war without consent. Participants were chosen carefully to keep the campaign strictly non-violent, and the first satyagrahi was Vinoba Bhave. The campaign was deliberately small, which made it a limited protest rather than a national uprising. The Cripps Mission of 1942, which offered dominion status after the war but no immediate transfer of power, failed to win Congress agreement, and relations between the movement and the British government reached a breaking point.\n\nOn 8 August 1942 the All-India Congress Committee passed the Quit India resolution, which demanded an end to British rule. Within hours of the resolution being passed, Gandhi and virtually the entire Congress leadership were arrested, and by dawn on 9 August Gandhi was imprisoned in the Aga Khan Palace in Pune. The strategy was to decapitate the movement by removing its leaders. It backfired: instead of weakening the movement, the arrests intensified popular anger and turned what might have been a controlled protest into a spontaneous nationwide uprising. Estimates of the number detained vary; one account, citing government records, puts the number imprisoned during the movement at over 100,000.\n\nGandhi was held in the palace from August 1942 until May 1944, together with his wife Kasturba and his secretary Mahadev Desai. Other detainees included Sarojini Naidu, Pyarelal, the physician Sushila Nayar and Mirabehn, so the palace functioned as a detention centre for much of the leadership. Personal losses marked the period. Desai, arrested on the morning of 9 August 1942, died six days later of a massive heart attack while interned with Gandhi at the palace. Gandhi, who regarded him almost as a son, was devastated, and Desai was cremated on the palace grounds. Gandhi also undertook a 21-day fast in February 1943 to break a deadlock between the viceroy and Indian leaders, and Kasturba limited her own diet in support of him.\n\nKasturba's health had already deteriorated before her arrest in 1942. In January 1944 she suffered two heart attacks, after which she was confined to her bed for much of the time. She died at the Aga Khan Palace in Poona on 22 February 1944, aged 74. Her death, like Desai's, took place while the detainees were still in custody. The authorities then released Gandhi: British authorities announced that he had been unconditionally released from custody on medical grounds after being interned at the palace since August 1942. It would prove to be the last internment of Gandhi's life."
    },
    {
      "heading": "Partition, communal violence and the final fasts",
      "text": "The Cabinet Mission of 1946 tried to keep India together under a loose federal scheme, but the Congress and the Muslim League disagreed on how much power the centre should hold and how provincial grouping would work in practice. In late July 1946 the League withdrew its acceptance of the plan and called for \"Direct Action\" to secure Pakistan. Its strike on 16 August 1946, known as Direct Action Day, was meant as a show of strength. In Calcutta, where a League-led provincial government was in office, the day gave way to four days of violence in which Hindu and Muslim crowds attacked each other. Estimates of the dead range from about 4,000 to 10,000, and the number of people made homeless is put at over 100,000.\n\nIn October 1946 reports reached Gandhi of killings and forced conversions of Hindus in Noakhali district of eastern Bengal, where Muslims formed a large majority. He travelled to East Bengal in November 1946 by way of Kolkata, arriving in Noakhali on 6 November, as retaliatory riots had already started in Bihar. Rather than remain in the cities, he went on foot. He walked barefoot through the villages with a handful of companions, and he stayed in the district for about four months. Over that winter he visited 47 villages, holding prayer meetings and trying to win back the trust of both communities. The attempt was costly: attendance at his prayer meetings fell over time, and he was opposed by some Hindus as well as Muslims.\n\nThe Bihar riots, which ran from late October to November 1946, saw Hindu mobs attack Muslim families. Gandhi declared that he would fast unto death if the riots did not stop. The threat was part of a wider pattern in which his fasts were used to pressure communities toward peace, a method he had used since his South African years. In September 1947, after independence, he was in Calcutta when he began a fast; it is widely credited with bringing the rioting in the city to an end.\n\nIndependence came on 15 August 1947 with the partition of British India into India and Pakistan. Gandhi had opposed partition, and he did not take part in the official celebrations. Partition was accompanied by the uprooting of millions of people, mass killings and the flight of Hindus and Sikhs from West Punjab and of Muslims from many parts of India. By most estimates, hundreds of thousands died. Gandhi moved between Delhi and the troubled regions, appealing for calm, and on 13 January 1948 he began what would prove to be his last fast, saying he would rather die than watch India destroyed and hoping that its communities could live together. In January 1948 his fast shamed the city of Delhi into a communal truce.\n\nOn 30 January 1948 Gandhi was walking to his evening prayer meeting in the grounds of Birla House in New Delhi when Nathuram Godse stepped out of the crowd flanking his path and fired three bullets into Gandhi's chest. Godse was a member of the Hindu Mahasabha with links to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, and he regarded Gandhi's conciliatory stance towards Muslims as harmful to Hindu interests. Gandhi had earlier declined to press criminal charges against Godse after earlier plots, a policy that had allowed him to be released. In the subsequent trial, Godse and Narayan Apte were sentenced to death, while other conspirators received life imprisonment, and Vinayak Damodar Savarkar was acquitted. Godse was hanged in November 1949. Gandhi was cremated at Raj Ghat in Delhi, which is now his memorial, and the day of his death is observed in India as Martyrs' Day."
    },
    {
      "heading": "Writings, journalism and publications",
      "text": "Gandhi's work in journalism began in South Africa. Indian Opinion was produced in four languages (English, Hindi, Gujarati and Tamil), and its first issue is dated 4 June 1903 but it was only on 6 June that it could be released. The practical work was shared: the secretary of the Natal Indian Congress, M. H. Nazar, and the printer Madanjit Viyavaharik saw to the practicalities of producing the newspaper. Gandhi, then a lawyer in Johannesburg, set the paper's policy from a distance, wrote its articles and diverted his earnings from his prospering practice to help sustain the paper. In 1916 he sent his son Manilal to run the Gujarati and English editions in South Africa.\n\nAfter his return to India, his editorial work moved to the national stage. On October 7, 1919, a Gujarati journal appeared. Gandhiji took charge of it. A day later, the Young India began its publication. Gandhiji was editor of both. The Gujarati paper was Navajivan, and the English one, Young India, carried the same campaigns in English for readers beyond Gujarat. Both were used to explain satyagraha, non-cooperation and constructive work. Harijan followed on February 1, 1933. It appeared in English, with Gujarati and Hindi versions three versions of Harijan, which were in English, Gujarati, and Hindi, and the newspaper lasted until 1948. Its focus was on untouchability at first, and at a later stage, the Harijan was devoted to the cause of the villages and constructive work in rural areas.\n\nHis autobiography, usually known in English as The Story of My Experiments with Truth, was written in Gujarati, not English. It was initiated at the insistence of Swami Anand and other close co-workers of Gandhi, who encouraged him to explain the background of his public campaigns. It was written in weekly installments and published in his journal Navjivan from 1925 to 1929. Gandhi wrote the Autobiography in 166 instalments, which were serially published in Navajivan and its English translation followed in Young India. The text ends in 1921 rather than with his death, and it was completed in February 1929. Its framing as a record of \"experiments\" with truth shaped how readers understood his public life, presenting campaigns such as satyagraha as outgrowths of personal moral trial. The book's later reputation as a spiritual work is reflected in its designation as one of the \"100 Best Spiritual Books of the 20th Century\" by a committee of global spiritual and religious authorities.\n\nThe main archive of his writing is The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi (CWMG). That is most of M. K. Gandhi's writings, 100 volumes, more than 50,000 pages in total. This work comprises a hundred volumes and was published by the government of India. Dates for the first edition vary by source: one gives 1958 and 1994, while another gives 1960 and 1994. Each volume was edited with care, and each had a preface, an appendix, a chronology, a list of sources, and an index. The later edition was more controversial. A second edition from 1998 changed the volume boundaries to coincide with particular months of Gandhi's life, and following many criticisms from researchers and followers of Gandhi, the government of India stopped the publication of the second edition. The language of the texts also varied. The autobiography was composed in Gujarati, while his South African paper was printed in several languages, so the collection reflects a multilingual body of work that editors had to translate and verify.\n\nMuch of this output depended on associates. Mahadev Desai, who served as Gandhi's secretary, translated the autobiography from Gujarati into English, and the translation had, it may be noted, the benefit of Gandhiji's revision. Desai died in 1942 while detained with Gandhi at the Aga Khan Palace. Pyarelal Nayyar, another long-serving secretary, took on a comparable role in recording and editing Gandhi's words and actions, and later wrote an extensive multi-volume account of Gandhi's life. Their work on translation, editing and record-keeping is central to how Gandhi's writings have survived and reached readers in many languages."
    },
    {
      "heading": "Historiography, criticism and debates",
      "text": "Competing images of Gandhi\n\nHistorians have not agreed on what kind of figure Gandhi was. Some read him mainly as a political strategist who built mass movements and timed them to pressure the colonial state. Others treat his ethical writings as the core of his life, and still others see a national symbol whose image was shaped as much by later commemoration as by his own record. Older nationalist histories placed him at the centre of the independence story. Subaltern studies, which began in the early 1980s with Ranajit Guha, questioned that elite-centred account and asked how peasants and lower-caste groups acted on their own terms, often outside Congress leadership.\n\nSources on his early life also raise problems of reliability. Early biographies were written by friends and admirers, and one account of the South African years is described as hagiographic, with the 1920s recollections of the South African period criticised as entirely from memory. A historian of the autobiography has likewise argued that it is \"not a reliable source of history\", a view that makes his own retrospective account a contested document.\n\nAmbedkar and the question of caste\n\nThe most sustained critique of Gandhi comes from B. R. Ambedkar. In 1936 Ambedkar prepared a speech for a reformist Hindu conference, which was withdrawn, and the text was published as Annihilation of Caste. In July 1936, Gandhi wrote articles under the title \"A Vindication Of Caste\" in his weekly journal Harijan, commenting on Ambedkar's address. Gandhi argued that the scriptures Ambedkar cited were not authentic, and that religions should be judged by their best adherents rather than their worst. Ambedkar's 1937 edition added a reply to Gandhi. Ambedkar's central claim was that caste could not be reformed without rejecting the authority of the shastras.\n\nLater scholars have divided over whether Gandhi's position was a real commitment to abolition. Arundhati Roy's introduction to the text, questions the deification of Gandhi, and whether his vision of an independent India included emancipation for all. A critical reading argues that Gandhi never once denounced the caste system in clear uncertain terms, and that when he did criticise it he proposed replacing it with varna, which Ambedkar regarded as the origin of caste. Defenders of Gandhi counter that he opposed untouchability and caste-based injustice in practice, and that his social reform work was sincere even where his theory differed from Ambedkar's.\n\nSouth African writings and Africans\n\nScholarly attention has turned to Gandhi's early writings in South Africa on Africans and on the relative status of Indians. One reading finds a clear shift over time. An analysis of his writings argues that the intensity of racial overtones increased year after year, and concludes that his outlook towards African Black people should be judged racist. Other historians stress context: E. S. Reddy notes that the early Gandhi had little contact with Africans and did not understand their sensitivities. Anil Nauriya acknowledges that some early memoranda contain statements reflecting the current prejudices of the period, while also arguing that as he came to know the Africans, he overcame the initial prejudices. Nauriya also observes that Gandhi did not bring African people into his campaigns, partly because the laws affecting them differed from those affecting Indians. Scholars such as Swan, in 1985, had earlier questioned the historiography that treated Gandhi as the sole source of political agency for Indians in South Africa. Recent biographies have also widened the frame by treating South Africa not as a prelude to his Indian career but as the place where his ideas were formed.\n\nNonviolence in specific episodes\n\nThe effectiveness and limits of nonviolence are debated through particular events. The clearest case is Chauri Chaura. On 4 February 1922 protesters set fire to a police station, killing all of its occupants. The incident led to the deaths of three civilians and 22 policemen. Gandhi then halted the non-cooperation movement on the national level on 12 February 1922. Some Congress members regarded the decision as authoritarian, while others thought it showed poor judgement, and critics all bemoaned the fact that India now seemed no closer to independence. Gandhi replied that \"Chauri Chaura is after all an aggravated symptom.\" Historians still disagree on whether the suspension was a principled moral act or a strategic loss.\n\nThe violence of Partition raises a parallel question. Gandhi's fasts and tours in 1946–48 were aimed at stopping communal killings, and scholars continue to debate whether his presence reduced violence in specific places or whether his nonviolent method was simply unable to restrain mass communal violence on the scale of 1947."
    },
    {
      "heading": "Legacy, commemoration and international influence",
      "text": "Influence on the American civil rights movement\n\nGandhi's influence reached far beyond India, and its most documented channel ran through Martin Luther King Jr. The two men never met, because King was 19 when Gandhi was assassinated. King nonetheless absorbed Gandhian method through his reading and a 1959 journey to India. He wrote that India's Gandhi was the guiding light of our technique of nonviolent social change while the Montgomery boycott was under way. During the same trip he laid a wreath at Gandhi's ashes at Rajghat and met Gandhi's family. In public remarks made after the Supreme Court ruled against Montgomery's bus segregation, King argued that Christianity had shown the moral path, while Gandhi had shown in practice that it could work.\n\nOther American activists also drew on Gandhi. In the late 1950s, future congressman John Lewis studied Gandhi in nonviolence workshops led by activist James Lawson. Earlier, the clergyman Howard Thurman had taken part in a 1935–36 delegation to India, which historians of the movement often cite as a route by which Gandhian ideas entered American debate. These links are usually described as the core of Gandhi's American legacy, though historians continue to debate how directly his methods were transplanted.\n\nSpread to other nonviolent movements\n\nGandhi's approach was adopted in many other settings. One account states that his doctrine of mass mobilisation inspired many political movements across the world successfully in Europe, North America, Latin America, Africa. In the struggle against apartheid, Gandhi's ideas are often linked to Nelson Mandela, whose commitment to nonviolence in the early years of the African National Congress's campaigns is commonly traced to the tradition Gandhi had helped establish in South Africa. Scholars also note that Gandhi's South African campaigns of the 1900s and 1910s provided a template of mass refusal and self-suffering that later activists adapted to very different political systems.\n\nThe International Day of Non-Violence\n\nOn 15 June 2007 the General Assembly adopted resolution A/RES/61/271, officially establishing October 2 as the International Day of Non-Violence. The resolution was introduced by India, and cosponsored by 140 countries. The date is Gandhi's birthday, but the resolution does more than honour an individual: it reaffirms \"the universal relevance of the principle of non-violence\". It asks member states to disseminate the message of non-violence through education and public awareness. In India the same date is observed as Gandhi Jayanti, While in India, 2nd October is celebrated as Gandhi Jayanti.\n\nMemorials and national commemoration\n\nGandhi's physical memorials are concentrated in India. Raj Ghat in Delhi, the riverside site where he was cremated after his assassination in January 1948, has become the principal national memorial, and visiting dignitaries such as King have laid wreaths there. The Sabarmati Ashram near Ahmedabad, from which the Salt March began in 1930, preserves the residence and workspace associated with his later life and now operates as a museum and study centre. Gandhi's portrait also appears on Indian banknotes, making him one of the most visible figures in everyday national life. These commemorative choices have been criticised by some who argue that the iconography reduces a complex political and moral career to a single image.\n\nThe Nobel Peace Prize\n\nGandhi was repeatedly considered for the Nobel Peace Prize but never won it. The count of nominations varies by source: one account says Gandhi was nominated in 1937, 1938, 1939, 1947 and, finally, a few days before he was murdered in January 1948. Another source reports a total of 12 individual nominations across those five years. In 1948, he received six individual nominations shortly before his death. The committee later declined to make a posthumous award. On 18 November 1948 it gave its formal explanation that there was \"no suitable living candidate.\" The committee's reasoning is often linked to the conflict between India and Pakistan and to Gandhi's 1947 prayer-meeting remarks, which seemed to suggest that he might abandon pacifism, and to the lack of any precedent for posthumous awards. In 2006, the committee's permanent secretary Geir Lundestad described the omission as the greatest in the prize's history, and in 1989 the chairman said the award to the Dalai Lama was \"in part a tribute to the memory of Mahatma Gandhi\".\n\nContinuing global debate\n\nGandhi's reputation remains contested. Admirers point to his global symbolic weight, while critics examine his political tactics, his views on caste, religion and the Second World War, and the consequences of mass movements. These disagreements are discussed in detail in the historiography section of this article."
    }
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    },
    {
      "title": "About",
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    },
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    },
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    },
    {
      "title": "Poona Pact - A Historic Agreement Between Gandhi and Ambedkar [24th September 1932] - Testbook",
      "url": "https://testbook.com/important-days/this-day-in-history-sep-24"
    },
    {
      "title": "Ambedkar-Gandhi Poona Pact (1932)",
      "url": "https://advocatetanmoy.com/ambedkar-gandhi-poona-pact-1932/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Harijan Sevak Sangh",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harijan_Sevak_Sangh"
    },
    {
      "title": "Harijan and Social Reform",
      "url": "https://www.gktoday.in/harijan-and-social-reform/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Harijan (magazine)",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harijan_(magazine)"
    },
    {
      "title": "Poona Pact 1932, Date, Causes, Features and Historical Significance",
      "url": "https://testbook.com/ias-preparation/poona-pact"
    },
    {
      "title": "Poona Pact (1932)",
      "url": "https://unacademy.com/content/upsc/study-material/modern-indian-history/poona-pact/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Khadi",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khadi"
    },
    {
      "title": "Gandhi Quotes on Khadi",
      "url": "https://www.mkgandhi.org/swadeshi_khadi/khadiquotes.php"
    },
    {
      "title": "Khadi over the decades: How Gandhi’s fabric found a new life",
      "url": "https://www.inkl.com/news/khadi-over-the-decades-how-gandhis-fabric-found-a-new-life"
    },
    {
      "title": "Charkha - Metta Center",
      "url": "https://archives.mettacenter.org/definitions/charkha/"
    },
    {
      "title": "First Steps in Charkha Spinning",
      "url": "https://spinoffmagazine.com/first-steps-in-charkha-spinning/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Mahatma Gandhi Institute for Rural Industrialization",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mahatma_Gandhi_Institute_for_Rural_Industrialization"
    },
    {
      "title": "Trusteeship (Gandhism)",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Trusteeship_(Gandhism)"
    },
    {
      "title": "Economic Swaraj: Gandhi’s Blueprint for Self-Reliant Villages • PolSci Institute",
      "url": "https://polsci.institute/gandhi-contemporary-world/economic-swaraj-gandhi-self-reliant-villages/"
    },
    {
      "title": "J.C. Kumarappa: The Philosopher of Gandhian Economics and Sustainability • Economics.Town",
      "url": "https://economics.town/gandhis-economic-thought/j-c-kumarappa-gandhian-economics-sustainability/"
    },
    {
      "title": "J. C. Kumarappa",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/J._C._Kumarappa"
    },
    {
      "title": "Indi@logs Vol 8 2021, pp 51-73, ISSN: 2339-8523",
      "url": "https://ddd.uab.cat/pub/indialogs/indialogs_a2021v8/indialogs_a2021v8p51.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Economics of Ahimsa The Economics of Ahimsa:",
      "url": "https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Amit_Basole/publication/278580102_The_Economics_of_Ahimsa_Gandhi_Kumarappa_and_the_Non-Modern_Challenge_to_Economics/links/5581607108ae607ddc32d6c8/The-Economics-of-Ahimsa-Gandhi-Kumarappa-and-the-Non-Modern-Challenge-to-Economics.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Gandhi as Critic of the West: Rejecting Western Civilization and Modern Technology - Gandhi & Peace Studies",
      "url": "https://gandhi.study/gandhis-political-thought/gandhi-critic-west-rejecting-civilization-technology/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Modern Civilization and Colonialism Theme in Hind Swaraj",
      "url": "https://www.litcharts.com/lit/hind-swaraj/themes/modern-civilization-and-colonialism"
    },
    {
      "title": "Hind Swaraj Chapter 9: The condition of India (cont.): railways Summary & Analysis",
      "url": "https://www.litcharts.com/lit/hind-swaraj/chapter-9-the-condition-of-india-cont-railways"
    },
    {
      "title": "Gandhi's Critique of Modern Civilization and its Alternatives • Philosophy Institute",
      "url": "https://philosophy.institute/gandhian-philosophy/gandhis-critique-modern-civilization-alternatives/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hind_Swaraj_or_Indian_Home_Rule"
    },
    {
      "title": "Reaping as we Sow: Gandhi’s View of Modernity in Hind Swaraj - Arts One",
      "url": "https://artsone.arts.ubc.ca/student-journal/reaping-as-we-sow/"
    },
    {
      "title": "‘Hind Swaraj’ in the Age of AI: Why Gandhi’s 1909 Vision Still Matters",
      "url": "https://countercurrents.org/2026/07/hind-swaraj-in-the-age-of-ai-why-gandhis-1909-vision-still-matters/"
    },
    {
      "title": "'Hind Swaraj Or The Indian Home-Rule' (1909) - The Gandhian concept of Self-rule",
      "url": "https://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/hind%20swaraj.php"
    },
    {
      "title": "Hind Swaraj : a relook",
      "url": "https://opinionmagazine.co.uk/hind-swaraj-a-relook/"
    },
    {
      "title": "From Mahatma Gandhi’s Hind Swaraj To Arundhati Roy’s Azadi: Unravelling A Century Of Banned Books In India| Homegrown India",
      "url": "https://homegrown.co.in/homegrown-creators/the-politics-of-outrage-a-brief-history-of-banned-books-in-india"
    },
    {
      "title": "Mahatma Gandhi Books: Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule: Chapter-1: Congress and Its Officials",
      "url": "https://www.gandhiashramsevagram.org/hind-swaraj/chapter-1-congress.php"
    },
    {
      "title": "Hind Swaraj: Summary Analysis, Inclusion of Passive Resistance",
      "url": "https://testbook.com/ias-preparation/hind-swaraj"
    },
    {
      "title": "Anasakti Yoga",
      "url": "https://www.mkgandhi.org/swmgandhi/chap01.php"
    },
    {
      "title": "Samkhya Yoga (Bhagavad Gita)",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samkhya_Yoga_(Bhagavad_Gita)"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Message of the Gita M. K. Gandhi First Edition: June 1959",
      "url": "https://www.mkgandhi.org/ebks/message-of-the-gita.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Bhagavadgita and the Gandhian Hermeneutic of Non-Violence: Globalizing Selfless Action (3.) - The Mahabharata in Global Political and Social Thought",
      "url": "https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/mahabharata-in-global-political-and-social-thought/bhagavadgita-and-the-gandhian-hermeneutic-of-nonviolence-globalizing-selfless-action/8CD02EE90A501DC01690014525F3C96B"
    },
    {
      "title": "Understanding Gandhism: Principles and Philosophy • PolSci Institute",
      "url": "https://polsci.institute/political-theory/understanding-gandhism-principles-philosophy/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Gandhi's Philosophy: The Profound Influence of Jainism - Gandhi & Peace Studies",
      "url": "https://gandhi.study/philosophy-of-gandhi/gandhi-philosophy-jainism-influence/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Gandhi, Ahimsa, and Jainism",
      "url": "https://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/Gandhi-ahimsa-Jainism.php"
    },
    {
      "title": "Mahatma Gandhi's Life and Philosophy: Impact and Fundamentals • Philosophy Institute",
      "url": "https://philosophy.institute/indian-philosophy/mahatma-gandhi-life-philosophy-impact/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Ahimsa and Satyagraha",
      "url": "https://biblicalstudies.org.uk/pdf/ijt/27-2_053.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Mahatma Gandhi and the Sermon on the Mount",
      "url": "https://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/mahatma-gandhi-and-sermon-on-the-mount.php"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Historical Roots of Religious Tolerance in India According to Gandhi • Philosophy Institute",
      "url": "https://philosophy.institute/gandhian-philosophy/religious-tolerance-roots-india-gandhi/"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Sexuality of a Celibate Life",
      "url": "https://southasia.ucla.edu/history-politics/gandhi/gandhis-sexuality-society"
    },
    {
      "title": "Was Gandhi's experiments with celibacy not akin to sexually exploiting women?",
      "url": "https://www.mynation.com/news/mahatma-gandhi-sexual-experiments-manuben-celibacy-brahmacharya-sex-life-unusual-pfyoaz"
    },
    {
      "title": "Gandhiji’s Controversial Brahmacharya Experiments With Manuben Was To Test His Celibacy",
      "url": "https://www.sakshipost.com/editors-picks/2019/08/25/mahatma-gandhi-brahmacharya-experiment-with-sexuality-manuben-diaries-contents"
    },
    {
      "title": "Gandhi’s Jain Journey: The Role of Jain Thought and Practice in the Making of the Mahātma - Arihanta Institute",
      "url": "https://www.arihantainstitute.org/blog/1-gandhi-s-jain-journey-the-role-of-jain-thought-and-practice-in-the-making-of-the-mahatma"
    },
    {
      "title": "Khilafat Movement",
      "url": "https://www.encyclopedia.com/religion/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/khilafat-movement"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Great Trial of 1922",
      "url": "https://www.theindiaforum.in/article/great-trial-1922"
    },
    {
      "title": "Khilafat Movement: 1919-1924 Campaign Explained",
      "url": "https://modeldiplomat.com/learn/glossary/khilafat-movement"
    },
    {
      "title": "Subhas Chandra Bose",
      "url": "https://www.britannica.com/biography/Subhas-Chandra-Bose"
    },
    {
      "title": "Lecture 12 lahore resolution",
      "url": "https://www.slideshare.net/slideshow/lecture-12-lahore-resolution/246213159"
    },
    {
      "title": "Subhas Chandra Bose vs Pattabhi Sitaramayya was 1st big fight for Congress president's post - The Tribune",
      "url": "https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/nation/subhas-chandra-bose-vs-pattabhi-sitaramayya-was-1st-big-fight-426279"
    },
    {
      "title": "Subhas Chandra Bose",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Subhas_Chandra_Bose"
    },
    {
      "title": "Subhash Chandra Bose and Congress Tripuri Session 1939",
      "url": "https://www.gktoday.in/subhash-chandra-bose-and-congress-tripuri-session-1939/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Lahore Resolution (Pakistan Resolution) History : Importance & Partition of India",
      "url": "https://learn.culturalindia.net/lahore-resolution-1940.html"
    },
    {
      "title": "Lahore Resolution 1940",
      "url": "https://www.slideshare.net/slideshow/lahore-resolution-1940-by-shahzaib-ashraf/273652818"
    },
    {
      "title": "Indian Overseas Congress",
      "url": "https://www.iocongress.org/our-inspiration-details/21"
    },
    {
      "title": "Second World War and Congress",
      "url": "https://www.gktoday.in/second-world-war-and-congress/"
    },
    {
      "title": "August Offer",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/August_Offer"
    },
    {
      "title": "Quit India Movement: Gandhi's Final Push for Independence • PolSci Institute",
      "url": "https://polsci.institute/gandhi-contemporary-world/quit-india-movement-gandhi-final-push/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Mahadev Desai",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mahadev_Desai"
    },
    {
      "title": "Kasturba Gandhi (11th April, 1869",
      "url": "https://inc.in/congress-sandesh/tribute/kasturba-gandhi-11th-april-1869-22nd-february-1944"
    },
    {
      "title": "May 1944",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/May_1944"
    },
    {
      "title": "Individual Satyagraha: The Power of One - Live History India",
      "url": "https://www.livehistoryindia.com/story/eras/individual-satyagraha"
    },
    {
      "title": "Day of Deliverance (India)",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Day_of_Deliverance_(India)"
    },
    {
      "title": "e-Gyan Shala: AUGUST OFFER, INDIVIDUAL SATYAGRAHA AND CRIPPS MISSION (1939-1942)",
      "url": "https://conceptiaseducation.blogspot.com/2017/04/august-offer-individual-satyagraha-and.html"
    },
    {
      "title": "Gandhi Heritage Portal: Repository of Authentic Information on the life and thoughts of Mahatma Gandhi",
      "url": "https://gandhiheritageportal.org/gandhi_heritage_site/writeup/Mjc="
    },
    {
      "title": "Aga Khan Palace",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aga_Khan_Palace"
    },
    {
      "title": "Kasturba Gandhi timeline 1869 - 1944",
      "url": "https://sahistory.org.za/article/kasturba-gandhi-timeline-1869-1944"
    },
    {
      "title": "An Ode to Mahatma: Aga Khan Palace",
      "url": "https://medialit.in/thevoices/an-ode-to-mahatma-aga-khan-palace-the-prison-for-mahatma/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Direct Action Day (16 August 1946): How a Political Strike Became the “Great Calcutta Killings”",
      "url": "https://medium.com/@vikkasjindal/direct-action-day-16-august-1946-how-a-political-strike-became-the-great-calcutta-killings-291a4e91e3b4"
    },
    {
      "title": "Gandhi in Noakhali: The Bloody Battle for East Bengal",
      "url": "https://www.peepultree.world/livehistoryindia/story/eras/gandhi-in-noakhali"
    },
    {
      "title": "1946 Bihar riots",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1946_Bihar_riots"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Death of Mahatma Gandhi",
      "url": "https://www.historytoday.com/archive/months-past/death-mahatma-gandhi"
    },
    {
      "title": "This Day in History: Jan. 30, 1948: Gandhi assassinated in India",
      "url": "https://www.live5news.com/2026/01/30/this-day-history-jan-30-1948-gandhi-assassinated-india/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Nathuram Godse",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nathuram_Godse"
    },
    {
      "title": "Assassination of Mahatma Gandhi",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Assassination_of_Mahatma_Gandhi"
    },
    {
      "title": "Direct Action Day — August 16, 1946, Great Calcutta Killings & UPSC History Guide - Anantam IAS",
      "url": "https://anantamias.com/direct-action-day/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Walking with Gandhi in Our Times",
      "url": "https://www.theindiaforum.in/history/walking-gandhi-our-times"
    },
    {
      "title": "Walking through Noakhali",
      "url": "https://30daygandhichallenge.substack.com/p/walking-through-noakhali"
    },
    {
      "title": "Noakhali riots",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Noakhali_riots"
    },
    {
      "title": "Mahatma Gandhi",
      "url": "https://www.britannica.com/biography/Mahatma-Gandhi"
    },
    {
      "title": "History of the ‘Indian Opinion’ newspaper",
      "url": "https://sahistory.org.za/article/history-indian-opinion-newspaper"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Journalist in Gandhi",
      "url": "https://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/the-journalist-in-gandhi.html"
    },
    {
      "title": "Gandhi, Advocacy Journalism, and the Media - Augusta University Research Profiles",
      "url": "https://augusta.elsevierpure.com/en/publications/gandhi-advocacy-journalism-and-the-media/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Young India",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Young_India"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Story of My Experiments with Truth",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Story_of_My_Experiments_with_Truth"
    },
    {
      "title": "An Autobiography or The Story of My Experiments with Truth",
      "url": "https://www.hansrajcollege.ac.in/hCPanel/uploads/elearning/elearning_document/Tridip_Suhrud_edited,_An_Autobiography_of_M__K__Gandhi.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Wikisource:WikiProject The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi - Wikisource, the free online library",
      "url": "https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Wikisource:WikiProject_The_Collected_Works_of_Mahatma_Gandhi"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi - Writings - Archives - GandhiServe",
      "url": "https://www.gandhiserve.net/about-mahatma-gandhi/collected-works-of-mahatma-gandhi/"
    },
    {
      "title": "K. Swaminathan",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/K._Swaminathan"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Story Of My Experiments With Truth: Gandhi, Mahatma: 9781477440568: Amazon.com: Books",
      "url": "https://www.amazon.com/Story-My-Experiments-Truth/dp/1477440569"
    },
    {
      "title": "THE PAST IN THE PRESENT: WRITING THE SOUTH AFRICAN GANDHI* Goolam Vahed",
      "url": "https://gldc.ukzn.ac.za/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/2017-Gandhi-LANDS_12279_Rev1_EV.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Annihilation of Caste",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Annihilation_of_Caste"
    },
    {
      "title": "Did Gandhi Want to “Annihilate Caste?” Revisiting the Ambedkar–Gandhi Debate",
      "url": "https://www.epw.in/engage/discussion/did-gandhi-want-annihilate-caste-revisiting"
    },
    {
      "title": "SPECIAL ARTICLE JANUARY 30, 2016 vol lI no 5 EPW Economic & Political Weekly 88",
      "url": "https://www.csds.in/uploads/custom_files_new/1532340491_Was%20Gandhi%20a%20Racist.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Some of Gandhi's Early Views on Africans Were Racist. But That Was Before He Became Mahatma",
      "url": "https://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/gandhis-early-views-on-africa.php"
    },
    {
      "title": "The African Element in Gandhi ANIL NAURIYA First Edition : 2006",
      "url": "https://sahistory.org.za/sites/default/files/TheAfricanElementinGandhi%20by%20Anil%20Nauriyafinal.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Chauri Chaura incident",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chauri_Chaura_incident"
    },
    {
      "title": "Truth On Trial",
      "url": "https://openthemagazine.com/essays/truth-on-trial"
    },
    {
      "title": "Gandhi in Africa - Public Books",
      "url": "https://www.publicbooks.org/gandhi-in-africa/"
    },
    {
      "title": "How Martin Luther King Jr. Took Inspiration From Gandhi on Nonviolence",
      "url": "https://www.biography.com/activists/martin-luther-king-jr-gandhi-nonviolence-inspiration"
    },
    {
      "title": "Martin Luther King Jr.'s use of nonviolence inspired by Gandhi",
      "url": "https://lincs.ed.gov/sites/default/files/TSTMCivEd-LsPln1stAmRgReadB-508.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr. - Trends in Global Grassroots Organizing Newsfeed",
      "url": "https://trends.we.net/economic-justice/gandhi-and-king/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Why does the world mark October 2 as International Day of Non-Violence? Know its origin and significance",
      "url": "https://www.wionews.com/trending/why-does-the-world-mark-october-2-as-international-day-of-non-violence-know-its-origin-and-significance-1759389685963"
    },
    {
      "title": "Commemoration of International Day of Non-Violence",
      "url": "https://webtv.un.org/en/asset/k12/k12uwilpsa"
    },
    {
      "title": "International Day of Non-Violence - 2 October",
      "url": "https://indonesia.un.org/en/247988-international-day-non-violence-2-october"
    },
    {
      "title": "International Day of Non-Violence",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Day_of_Non-Violence"
    },
    {
      "title": "Mahatma Gandhi, the missing laureate - NobelPrize.org",
      "url": "https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/themes/mahatma-gandhi-the-missing-laureate/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Why Mahatma Gandhi never received the Nobel Peace Prize despite multiple nominations - BusinessToday",
      "url": "https://www.businesstoday.in/india/story/why-mahatma-gandhi-never-received-the-nobel-peace-prize-despite-multiple-nominations-559229-2026-10-02"
    },
    {
      "title": "A Conversation Between Gandhi and Dr Martin Luther King",
      "url": "https://vocal.media/journal/a-conversation-between-gandhi-and-dr-martin-luther-king"
    },
    {
      "title": "Echoes of Non-Violence: How Gandhi's Legacy Influenced MLK",
      "url": "https://consumeatonce.substack.com/p/mlk-and-gandhi"
    },
    {
      "title": "International Day of Non-Violence",
      "url": "https://byjus.com/free-ias-prep/this-day-in-history-oct02/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Why Mahatma Gandhi Was Never Awarded the Nobel Peace Prize",
      "url": "https://www.thequint.com/news/india/mahatma-gandhi-never-awarded-the-nobel-peace-prize"
    },
    {
      "title": "Mahatma Gandhi and the Missing Bharat Ratna & Nobel Prize",
      "url": "https://www.vedantu.com/general-knowledge/mahatma-gandhi-not-awarded-bharat-ratna-and-nobel-prize"
    },
    {
      "title": "gandhi nobel peace prize",
      "url": "https://southasia.ucla.edu/history-politics/gandhi/gandhi-nobel-peace-prize"
    }
  ],
  "license": "https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"
}