{
  "id": "bolivia",
  "title": "Bolivia",
  "lang": "en",
  "source_lang": "en",
  "summary": "Bolivia is a landlocked Andean country in central South America, known for its high-altitude geography, Indigenous cultures, and large lithium and natural gas resources.",
  "category": "geography",
  "subcategory": "",
  "type": "place",
  "aliases": [
    "Plurinational State of Bolivia",
    "Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia"
  ],
  "generated_at": "2026-10-15",
  "model": "pro/claude-haiku-5-5",
  "url": "https://aiwiki.page/en/bolivia/",
  "translations": {
    "zh-Hans": {
      "url": "https://aiwiki.page/zh/bolivia/",
      "json": "https://aiwiki.page/zh/bolivia.json"
    }
  },
  "sections": [
    {
      "heading": "",
      "text": "Bolivia, formally the Plurinational State of Bolivia, is a landlocked country in the central Andes of South America. It borders Brazil, Paraguay, Argentina, Chile, and Peru, and its territory ranges from the high Altiplano, where the capital La Paz sits at extreme altitude, to the Amazon basin and the Gran Chaco lowlands. Its name honors Simón Bolívar, and its political identity has been shaped by Indigenous majorities, colonial mining wealth, the loss of its Pacific coast in the nineteenth century, and a constitution that defines the state as plurinational. Bolivia is also part of the broader Latin American region in its language, culture, and political history.\n\nBolivia's modern story turns on the tension between its natural endowments and its institutional and economic constraints. The Potosí silver mines once made the Andes central to the global economy, and in the twenty-first century the country's natural gas revenues funded a decade of rapid growth before production declined sharply. Its lithium reserves are among the largest known, but commercial output has lagged far behind expectations. Politically, the country moved from decades of unstable and military-led governments to a long period of rule by the Movement for Socialism, and then to a new administration after the 2025 general election.\n\nThis entry proceeds from geography and water systems through climate and ecology, then history from pre-Hispanic societies through colonial rule, independence, and territorial losses to the 1952 revolution and the modern democratic period. It then examines the constitution and government, social structure and languages, the economy and its energy and lithium sectors, infrastructure and urbanization, culture, education and health, religion, and Bolivia's foreign relations."
    },
    {
      "heading": "地理位置、行政区划与名称",
      "text": "Bolivia lies in the interior of South America and has no coastline. It borders Brazil to the north and east, Paraguay and Argentina to the south, and Chile and Peru to the west. The country covers about 1.1 million square kilometres, and roughly one-third of that area falls within the Andes. The remainder is made up of eastern and northern tropical lowlands that drain toward the Amazon basin. Bolivia lost its Pacific coastline to Chile in the War of the Pacific (1879–84). Agreements with neighbouring states now give it indirect access to both oceans, but it has no port of its own. The details of that loss are covered in the history section.\n\nThe name honours Simón Bolívar. Antonio José de Sucre's army liberated Upper Peru, the Spanish colonial region that corresponds to today's territory, in 1825. On 6 August 1825 a congress declared independence and chose a name derived from the Liberator's surname. The name was a deliberate tribute, and Bolívar's own constitutional ideas shaped the early state. In 2009 the country adopted its present official name, the Plurinational State of Bolivia (Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia). The change followed the new constitution, which took effect in February 2009. The word \"plurinational\" signals that the constitution recognises the country as a union of several nations and indigenous peoples, rather than a single national community.\n\nBolivia is a unitary state divided into nine departments (departamentos), which are the main first-level subdivisions. Each department is subdivided into provinces, and the country is commonly described as having 12 provinces and 324 municipalities. Departments have certain rights under the constitution and are represented in the bicameral Plurinational Legislative Assembly, with four senators per department and deputies allocated by population. Santa Cruz is the largest department by area and has been the most populous since around 2020. Pando is the least populous, and Tarija is the smallest by area. The largest city, Santa Cruz de la Sierra, lies in the eastern lowlands and serves as the main industrial centre, which reflects the economic and cultural divide between the Andean west and the eastern lowlands.\n\nBolivia has two capitals, each with a distinct role. Sucre is the constitutional capital and the seat of the judiciary, including the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court. La Paz, situated at high altitude in the Andean west, is the administrative capital, where the executive and legislative branches operate. This division dates to an 1898 civil war, which ended in a compromise: Sucre kept its title as capital in name and in law, while the executive and legislature moved to La Paz. The division has persisted since then, and the 2009 constitution continues to name Sucre as the capital.\n\nBolivia's borders have changed several times, and the nineteenth-century territorial losses to Chile and Paraguay are important to the country's later history. Those developments are discussed in the sections on the Republic's early history and the Chaco War, and they are not repeated here."
    },
    {
      "heading": "地形与地质构造",
      "text": "Bolivia's relief is defined by the Andes, which split into two principal ranges inside the country. The Cordillera Occidental runs along the Chilean and Peruvian borders and carries most of the country's active volcanoes. The Cordillera Oriental is broader and higher in its northern and central sections, and it forms the eastern edge of the Altiplano, the high plateau that lies between the two ranges at an average elevation of roughly 3,800 metres. The Altiplano occupies a substantial share of national territory and has long been the country's demographic and political core.\n\nThe plateau's surface is not the product of uplift alone. It began as a deep rift between the cordilleras, which gradually filled with porous sediment washed down from the surrounding peaks. That sedimentary origin explains the very gentle north-to-south slope of the floor and the flatness of the terrain. Rainfall is heavier in the north, so more debris was deposited there, and the land becomes barer and drier towards the south. Geologists have long debated why the basin reached such a great height, and the question remains a subject of research.\n\nThe Altiplano is endorheic, meaning it has no outlet to the sea. Water entering the basin from rivers, streams and glacial melt either evaporates or collects in lakes and salt pans. Lake Titicaca, which lies on the Peru–Bolivia border at the northern end of the plateau, is the largest of these. At about 3,800 metres, it is among the highest navigable lakes in the world. Its water leaves mainly through the Desaguadero River, which carries a comparatively small share of the inflow southward into Lake Poopó; most of the rest is lost through evaporation. Lake Poopó is shallow and saline, and it has dried out several times in the historical record, so its extent has varied widely with climate.\n\nThe southern Altiplano contains the country's largest salt flats. The Salar de Uyuni covers roughly 10,500 square kilometres and is the largest salt flat on Earth. It formed through the desiccation of Late Pleistocene lakes, and its thick salt crust sits above brine that is rich in lithium. The Salar de Coipasa, at a similar elevation, is smaller but follows the same origin. Their existence records a far wetter past: at its maximum extent, the paleolake Tauca (the ancestor of Poopó, Coipasa and Uyuni) stretched over more than 600 kilometres and was larger than present-day Titicaca.\n\nEast of the high plateau, the Andean structure gives way to a very different landscape. The eastern lowlands descend from the foothills of the Cordillera Oriental through a belt of steep valleys known as the Yungas, a transition that can occur within a short distance. Elevations drop from roughly 600 to 750 metres at the foot of the mountains to about 90 metres where the lowlands meet the Brazilian border. Geologically, the eastern lowlands and the sub-Andean zone are underlain by old Paleozoic sedimentary basins, which contain significant hydrocarbon reserves, rather than by the deformed volcanic and metamorphic rocks of the western ranges. The lowlands are part of the Amazon and Paraná basins, and their surface is far flatter than that of the Altiplano. The southeastern part of the lowlands continues into the Chaco plains, which are drier and more open.\n\nThe contrast between these zones is produced by the same tectonic system. The uplift of the Andes results from the subduction of the Nazca plate beneath the South American plate, which thickened the continental crust and created the plateau, the volcanic arc and the thrust-faulted eastern ranges. The mineral deposits that have shaped the economy and the mining history of the country are concentrated within this compressional belt, while the eastern basins developed as sedimentary depressions in front of the rising mountains."
    },
    {
      "heading": "水系、流域与水资源",
      "text": "Three drainage systems\n\nBolivia's surface water is organized into three major drainage systems. The Amazon system is the largest, covering roughly two-thirds of the national territory, while a closed endorheic system and the La Plata system together account for most of the rest. the Amazon Basin which measures approximately 724,000 km2 and covers 66% of Bolivia's territory; the closed (endorheic) basin, which measures 145,081 km2 or 13% of the territory; and the Rio Plata Basin, which covers 229,500 km2 or 21% of the nation's territory. Other estimates differ somewhat. One academic study cites a national hydrological source that puts the Amazon share at 65% of the territory, and it places the La Plata system in the southeast at 20% of the national territory. The endorheic system, which has no outlet to the sea, is given at 14% of the territory in the same study.\n\nThe Amazon side\n\nMost of the northern and eastern lowlands drain toward the Amazon through long tributaries. The Guaporé, called the Iténez in Spanish, illustrates this: 920 km (570 mi) of the river forms the border between Brazil and Bolivia, and the Guaporé is part of the Madeira River basin, which eventually empties into the Amazon River. The rivers of this system are also biologically significant. A checklist of Bolivian freshwater fish records 943 species (including 15 introduced) in the Amazon, and a notable share of them occur nowhere else in the country's basins, since 690 species recorded only in that basin are found there. The same region is prone to hazards: The Amazon basin has a high flow of water and it is prone to floods. The quantity and quality of hydrological information is very poor. Clearing of forest and mining activity upstream also affect these rivers, a point treated in the ecology and resource sections.\n\nThe Altiplano and Lake Poopó\n\nThe closed Altiplano system is anchored by Lake Titicaca, which drains southward through the slow-moving, reed-filled Desaguadero River to Lake Poopó. Lake Poopó is far smaller and more fragile. In contrast to the freshwater Lake Titicaca, Lake Poopó is salty and shallow, with depths seldom more than 4 m (13 ft). Its dependence on the river is heavy, though published figures disagree on the exact share. One study finds that more than 60% of the input of water to Lake Poopó comes from the Desaguadero. Another source gives a figure of 92% of the water. Because the lake is so shallow, relatively small changes in overall water volume make a big difference to its surface area. Seasonal rhythms intensify this, since in the dry season, the lake surface area decreases to less than half of the wet-season area.\n\nHuman decisions have amplified the natural variation. During the past few decades, much of the Desaguadero was diverted for irrigation, so there was less water left to top up the lake. An earlier episode illustrates the chain of effects: after a severe drought in the early 1980s lowered Lake Titicaca, local Aymara peasant farmers successfully pressured the Bolivian government to construct a dam where the Desaguadero River meets Lake Titicaca. Water levels plunged throughout the basin to the south, including in Lake Poopó. A regulation system built in 2001 was intended partly to secure inflow to the lake, although the main reason for the regulation is to maintain the high water level of Lake Titicaca. The collapse came in 2015, when the lake dried out entirely after an extreme El Niño that devastated the region at the end of 2015. Since then, the lake has partially recovered due to above-average precipitation in the years since 2015, the situation is still dire.\n\nWater use and governance\n\nAgriculture is by far the largest consumer of water. Irrigation accounts for 94% of water withdrawals or about 2,000 million cubic meters annually. Governance has not kept pace with these pressures. Despite these efforts to concentrate water resources management into a single legal document, the different sectors involved in water use continue to act separately in accordance with several laws such as the Electricity Act, the Hydrocarbon Act, the Mining Code and the Environmental act. As a result, the lack of a clear legal and institutional framework has made difficult to ensure appropriate quality and quantity of water for the different water users in the medium and long term."
    },
    {
      "heading": "气候、生态分区与生物多样性",
      "text": "Climate shaped by altitude\n\nBolivia lies within the tropics, but its climate depends more on elevation than on latitude. The Andean Altiplano sits roughly 3,000 to 4,000 metres above sea level, and the eastern lowlands fall to a few hundred metres. On the Altiplano, nights are cold and frost is common, rainfall is low and concentrated between December and March, and cold winds cross the open plateau. Lake Titicaca moderates conditions in the northern part of the plateau. Descending the eastern slopes, the air warms and humidifies quickly. The Yungas, the forested valleys between the highlands and the lowlands, receive heavy rain carried by trade winds. Estimates of their annual rainfall vary considerably, from about 1,500 millimetres in one general description to 2,500 millimetres in an ecoregion profile, because the figures depend on the exact zone and elevation. The southeastern Chaco is drier and semi-arid, with marked seasonal swings in temperature and rainfall.\n\nEcological zones and habitats\n\nThe three broad geographic zones of altiplano, yungas and lowland llanos do not capture the full ecological mosaic. The Yungas themselves range from moist lowland forest to evergreen montane forest and cloud forest, and their habitats change with both latitude and elevation. Farther east, the lowlands cover about three-fifths of the national territory, and their vegetation grades from wet forest in the north to scrub in the southeast. Dry tropical forest in the Chiquitania, with its emblematic jaguars, tapirs and giant anteaters, and the wetland mosaics that extend across the Pantanal are further ecological units within this lowland region. Protected areas cover over 17 percent of the national territory, according to one conservation summary, which indicates that a substantial share of these habitats has formal protection, although enforcement and coverage of different ecosystem types remain uneven.\n\nBiodiversity and endemism\n\nBolivia is widely described as one of the world's most biodiverse countries. A conservation summary lists roughly 13,600 plant species, 1,435 bird species, 389 mammal species, 313 reptile species, 251 amphibian species and 908 freshwater fish species. Other sources give somewhat different totals, so these figures should be read as approximate. The label \"megadiverse\" has a narrower technical meaning in conservation science, and Bolivia is not among the 17 countries that Conservation International identifies with that term. Its status rests instead on its high species counts and its position within the Tropical Andes Biodiversity Hotspot. Endemism is particularly high on the eastern Andean slopes, where a study of the Peru–Bolivia Amazon watershed documented about 800 endemic birds, mammals, amphibians and plants. The Bolivian Amazon alone has 852 fish species, of which 74 are endemic. One compilation reports that roughly 42 percent of Bolivian bird species and about a fifth of its reptile and fish species are endemic to the country, though this figure should be checked against primary taxonomic data.\n\nPressures from deforestation and fire\n\nThe most acute threat to Bolivian ecosystems in recent years has been fire. Fire clears land for cattle ranching and for monocrops such as soy, sugarcane and maize, and a traditional practice known as chaqueo, which removes vegetation and burns it, is legally treated as arson but remains widespread. In 2024, fires burned an estimated four to more than seven million hectares of forest and natural vegetation, depending on the source, and the government declared a national disaster at the end of September. Forest loss in the country reportedly rose by about 200 percent between 2023 and 2024, driven by drought, wildfires and agricultural expansion that was encouraged by government policy. Bolivia accounted for roughly 27 percent of Amazon deforestation that year, and the largest fire hotspots lay along the soy and cattle frontiers of the southeastern Bolivian Amazon. Researchers and environmental groups argue that the state's fire management relies more on emergency response than on prevention. Indigenous territories have been among the places most affected, and some of them, such as the Charagua Iyambae territory in the southeast, have become focal points for community-led protection.\n\nClimate change and glacier retreat\n\nThe main visible signs of climate change in Bolivia's highlands are the retreat of glaciers in the Andean cordillera and changes in the timing and amount of rainfall. These processes affect the water supply for highland cities, irrigated fields and the grazing of llamas and alpacas, and they add pressure to ecosystems that depend on stable moisture. Because the same drought-prone conditions also raise the risk of wildfires in the lowlands, the impacts of warming reach both the highlands and the forests. Water management issues are treated in a separate section."
    },
    {
      "heading": "前殖民时代的社会与文化",
      "text": "Tiwanaku culture\n\nThe Tiwanaku culture was one of the major pre-Columbian civilizations of the Andes, known from ruins situated near the southern shore of Lake Titicaca in Bolivia. Its urban society is usually dated to roughly 400 to 1000 CE, though it emerged on the shore of Lake Titicaca around 400 CE in one account, and the start date differs among sources. Earlier interpretations treated the main site as largely ceremonial, but excavations from the late twentieth century onward have shown that it was a once-bustling metropolis, the capital of one of the greatest and most enduring of ancient civilizations. Researchers still know comparatively little about its political organization.\n\nAgriculture and the raised-field system\n\nTiwanaku's economic base was an intensive farming system adapted to the cold altiplano. Its signature technique was the raised field: fields with the soil piled up in rows so that water can flow between them, with crops planted along the tops of the raised rows. The canals around the platforms held water that moderated temperatures and reduced the risk of frost damage to crops. Some scholars see the scale of this construction as evidence that state leaders directed farming, while others note that the work could have been organized by cooperating communities. Researchers debate whether these fields were administered by a bureaucratic state or through a federation of communities with local autonomy. Similarly, the older picture of Tiwanaku as a expansive military empire has been questioned, and recent research suggests that labelling Tiwanaku as an empire or even a state may be misleading.\n\nHighland farming, camelids and terraces\n\nThe Lake Titicaca basin was unusual in the Andes. The greatest population concentration and the highest agricultural productivity occurred around Lake Titicaca, some 12,500 feet above sea level, and nowhere else in the world has cultivation been so successful at such a high altitude. Because high-altitude soils were easily depleted, farmers allowed the ground to rest for long periods, sometimes six, eight or even ten years, before returning it to cultivation.\n\nCamelids were central to this system. Rotated camelid herds consumed sparse grass at high altitudes and its energy and nutrients were concentrated in potent dung deposited in corral areas. The dung was used as fertilizer, and abandoned corrals became fields for potatoes, which thrive in the rich soil and within the protection from the elements provided by the walls. Llamas and alpacas were domesticated in the Andean puna, and the region around Lake Titicaca is probably among the places where this process began. Hillside terracing, known as andenes, served a similar purpose: to increase the amount of cultivatable land available to farmers by leveling a planting area for crops.\n\nThe Inca incorporation\n\nIn the fifteenth century the Inca state absorbed the highlands. The southeastern quarter of the empire, Qullasuyu (also spelled Collasuyu), encompassed the Bolivian Altiplano and much of the southern Andes. Sources differ on its founding date: one reference gives 1438 as the year it was established, while the military conquest of the Colla polity is dated to between 1445 and 1450, a campaign that established Inca dominance in the Andean Altiplano.\n\nControl of the region rested on infrastructure and population management. The system included both major highways and a network of secondary roads that connected over eighty provinces. Road building relied on the mit'a labour system, which drew workers from subject communities. The Incas also moved populations under the mitma policy, which has been well documented on the Altiplano plateau, specifically the Titicaca Basin. Access to lower-altitude produce completed the arrangement, since the Incas established colonies or gained control in areas of lower elevations and warmer climates to obtain crops such as maize and coca. The same road network later provided the Spanish with crucial logistical support during their military campaigns, a development treated in the colonial section.\n\nArchaeological evidence\n\nArchaeological work is the main source of knowledge about these societies. Excavated monumental architecture, ceramics, textiles and metal objects are used to reconstruct ritual practice, craft production and social hierarchy, and in the late 20th century, archaeologists discovered new information concerning the Tiwanaku site, which reshaped earlier assumptions. Many questions remain open, however, particularly regarding how labour was organized, how political authority was exercised across the basin, and how the transition from Tiwanaku to later polities took place. These gaps mean that interpretations of pre-colonial Andean societies continue to change as new fieldwork is carried out."
    },
    {
      "heading": "西班牙殖民与独立战争",
      "text": "Spanish conquest reached the Andean highlands in the mid-sixteenth century, and the region soon became one of the most valuable parts of the Spanish empire. Silver was found at Potosí in 1545, and the mines grew into one of the largest silver producers in the world. The labour that made them work was organised through the mita, a rotational draft system that Viceroy Francisco de Toledo systematised in the 1570s. Communities in sixteen provinces had to send a set share of men, generally between about eighteen and fifty years old, to work at the mines and refineries. Some workers could pay a money substitute, and others came as wage earners, but the mines were dangerous because of altitude, mercury amalgamation and collapses, and the mortality among draft workers was high.\n\nUpper Peru, the territory that later became Bolivia, was first administered as part of the Viceroyalty of Peru, with its political centre in Lima. Its judicial and administrative core was the Real Audiencia de Charcas, a high court seated at Chuquisaca (later Sucre). Philip II established the court by royal decree on 4 September 1559, and it supervised justice and government in the highlands, including the Potosí district. The Bourbon reforms of 1776 transferred the region to the newly created Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, which linked its economic and legal life more closely to the Atlantic ports of the River Plate basin than to Peru.\n\nIndependence sentiment appeared early. In May and July 1809, juntas formed in Chuquisaca and La Paz, claiming to govern in the name of the deposed king Ferdinand VII. Royalist forces quickly put these juntas down, but the revolt did not end. Patriot armies sent from Buenos Aires in 1810 and 1811 failed to hold the highlands, yet guerrilla bands known as republiquetas kept resistance alive in the countryside for roughly sixteen years. Their area of operations included the Lake Titicaca region, the valleys around Sucre and the southern frontier with the future Argentina. Liberation came from the north. After Simón Bolívar's and Antonio José de Sucre's campaigns in Peru, Sucre's victory at Ayacucho on 9 December 1824 destroyed the main royalist army in South America. The remaining royalist commander in Upper Peru, Pedro Antonio Olañeta, was defeated and killed in 1825 by his own dissident troops, which ended royalist control of the region.\n\nOn 6 August 1825, a congress meeting at Chuquisaca declared independence. Most delegates rejected union with either Argentina or Peru, and five days later they chose to name the new state after Bolívar, partly to win his support. Bolívar drafted a constitution in 1826 that provided for a president for life, but he left the country in January of that year. Sucre, who had governed by decree after Bolívar's departure, was elected by the constituent assembly and became the first elected president of Bolivia. His reforms were limited by a weak state administration and opposition from local elites, and he resigned in 1828. The early republic thus took shape around the Creole elite of the former audiencia, while the guerrilla leaders and the indigenous majority gained little formal power."
    },
    {
      "heading": "共和早期、战争与领土损失",
      "text": "Bolivia became independent in 1825, but its first decades as a republic were marked by frequent changes of leadership and a weak central government. Regional elites and local strongmen often exercised considerable autonomy far from La Paz, and the state depended heavily on taxes from mining to finance its administration. Because revenue rose and fell with commodity prices, public finances were fragile, and the government was often tempted to raise levies on the foreign firms working in its territory. That temptation proved decisive in the events that followed.\n\nThe War of the Pacific and the loss of the coast\n\nThe most consequential rupture of the period was the War of the Pacific (1879–1884). Its roots lay in the Atacama Desert, which held large deposits of sodium nitrate used for fertilizer and explosives. An 1874 treaty had fixed the boundary at the 24th parallel and barred Bolivia from raising taxes on Chilean-linked mining operations for 25 years. In 1878 the Bolivian government imposed a new tax on the Antofagasta Nitrate Company, and when the firm refused to pay, Bolivia moved to seize and auction its assets. Chilean troops occupied the port of Antofagasta on 14 February 1879. Peru, which had secretly pledged to support Bolivia's territory in 1873, joined the fighting, and Chile declared war on both countries.\n\nThe conflict was decided largely at sea. Chile secured naval control, then carried its ground campaign into southern Peru and occupied Lima in January 1881. Bolivian forces suffered defeats in the Atacama region, and Bolivia withdrew from active operations after its defeat at Tacna in May 1880, concentrating thereafter on diplomacy. A truce signed in April 1884 ended the fighting between Chile and Bolivia, leaving the Litoral Department under Chilean administration. The formal settlement came only in 1904, when a peace and friendship treaty confirmed the loss of Bolivia's entire Pacific coastline and its mineral-rich territory. Bolivia thus became a landlocked state, and the loss has since been a central grievance in its national identity. Historians and Bolivian commentators have long argued that the loss hampered economic development, since the country could no longer export through its own ports without relying on neighbors.\n\nThe Chaco War with Paraguay\n\nThe second major territorial catastrophe came in the Chaco Boreal, a sparsely populated lowland region between the Pilcomayo and Paraguay rivers. Incidents began in 1928, but full-scale war broke out in 1932. Bolivia hoped to secure a waterway to the Paraguay River and, through the Río de la Plata system, access to the Atlantic. Many Bolivians also believed the region held substantial oil reserves, a belief that later exploration did not confirm. Bolivia fielded a larger and better-equipped army, yet its troops suffered from thirst, disease, poor logistics and low morale in the thorny lowland terrain, which earned the war the nickname \"War of Thirst\". Paraguayan forces encircled and captured large Bolivian formations at Boquerón in 1932 and at Nanawa and Toro's columns in 1933–1934.\n\nBolivia's late mobilization in 1935 partly reversed the momentum, but by then both states were exhausted. A cease-fire took effect on 14 June 1935, and a peace treaty signed in Buenos Aires in 1938 gave Paraguay most of the disputed territory. Bolivia received only a narrow corridor to the Paraguay River, which was never developed into a functioning port. Casualty figures vary across sources, but the war is commonly estimated to have killed about 100,000 people in total, with Bolivian losses substantially greater than Paraguayan ones. The defeat exposed the army's weaknesses, discredited the political establishment, and fed demands for reform that shaped Bolivian politics in the following decades. The two countries formally resolved their border dispute in 2009.\n\nDiplomatic afterlife in the twenty-first century\n\nBolivia has continued to press for a sovereign outlet to the Pacific through diplomacy and international institutions. In 2013 it brought the question before the International Court of Justice, arguing that Chile was obliged to negotiate such access. On 1 October 2018 the court ruled, by twelve votes to three, that Chile had not undertaken a legal obligation to negotiate a sovereign access to the Pacific Ocean. The judgment found that the treaties, notes and declarations Bolivia cited did not create such a duty, and it noted that an obligation to negotiate would not in any case guarantee an agreement. Although the ruling closed the legal route, it left room for continued dialogue, and the coastal question remains a long-standing item on the bilateral agenda between La Paz and Santiago. It is also a reminder that the consequences of the nineteenth-century wars still shape sovereignty debates and the country's relations with its neighbors."
    },
    {
      "heading": "1952年革命与军人统治时期",
      "text": "The Bolivian National Revolution began on 9 April 1952, when the Nationalist Revolutionary Movement (MNR) took power. The Revolutionary Nationalist Movement led the leftist Bolivian National Revolution of 1952 and ruled the country until 1964 when it was overthrown by the military coup of René Barrientos. Its leaders, including Víctor Paz Estenssoro and Hernán Siles Zuazo, governed in alternating terms during this period, and the movement's co-government and power struggle between the party and the labor unions shaped much of the era's politics.\n\nThe most consequential political change was the expansion of the electorate. A decree of mid-1952 extended the vote to nearly all adults, dropping the literacy and property tests that had confined voting to a small urban minority; women and indigenous Bolivians received the vote for the first time. The effect became visible at the polls: in the first postrevolutionary elections in 1956, the population of eligible voters increased from approximately 200,000 to nearly 1 million. The landed elite lost much of its electoral weight, and peasants and indigenous communities, previously excluded, gained a direct stake in national politics.\n\nEconomically, the government moved first against the mining sector. On October 31, 1952, President Paz Estenssoro signed a decree-law to nationalize the three largest private tin companies. These companies, owned by the Patiño, Hochschild, and Aramayo families, accounted for approximately 80% of the country's mineral production. To run the seized properties, the government created the Bolivian Mining Corporation (COMIBOL) in October 1952. Roughly two-thirds of the mining industry came under its management. Worker influence went beyond ownership: the MNR regime gave worker representatives veto power in all Comibol decisions and allowed for a cogovernment in mine administration.\n\nLand policy followed a similar path. The 1953 Agrarian Reform Law (Decree 3464), enacted on August 2, targeted the semi-feudal system of land tenure. The law abolished forced labor and established a program of expropriation and distribution of the rural property of the traditional landlords to the Indian peasants. Former landowners were paid with twenty-five-year government bonds. The military was also restructured. The government purged many officers associated with past Conservative Party regimes and drastically reduced the forces' size and budget, and it required officers to swear allegiance to the MNR. Over time the armed forces were effectively dismantled and re-organized as a virtual arm of the MNR party.\n\nThe military's return to power in 1964 began a long cycle of intervention. The 1964 coup by General Barrientos began a cycle of military intervention that culminated only in 1982, with the withdrawal of the military from the political arena. The coup took place on 4 November 1964. The period was marked by repression and factional rivalry. García Meza was the last in a succession of right-wing military strongmen who dominated Bolivian politics for almost twenty years (1964-1982), apart from brief democratic interludes in 1970-1971 and 1978-1980. Under Hugo Banzer, in 1974, impatient with schisms in the party, he replaced civilians with members of the armed forces and suspended political activities. Repression included the killings of miners: the \"Night of San Juan\" on June 24, 1967, when soldiers slaughtered more than 100 miners.\n\nThe most violent phase came with the regime of Luis García Meza, which seized power in July 1980. Some 1,000 people are estimated to have been killed by the Bolivian army and security forces between July 1980 and August 1981. The regime was also tied to the drug trade, and cocaine exports reportedly totaled US$850 million in the 1980-81 period of the Garca Meza regime, twice the value of official government exports. García Meza was pushed out in August 1981, and the subsequent short-lived military governments were completely demoralized and discredited by the episode, with many officers wanting to return to democracy. In July 1982, after yet another attempt by the Garca Meza clique to return to power, he was replaced by General Guido Vildoso Caldern (1982), who was named by the high command to return the country to democratic rule.\n\nCivilian rule returned in October 1982, when the elected civilian government of Hernán Siles Zuazo took office. The new democracy inherited a severe economic crisis. Democratic openness was accompanied by a severe economic, political, and social crisis. By 1985, annual CPI inflation was above 11,000 percent and the fiscal deficit was around 25 percent of GDP. The government's response was Supreme Decree 21060, which was signed on August 29, 1985, one of the most austere economic stabilization packages ever implemented in Latin America. The decree aimed to end Bolivia's record-setting hyperinflation and dismantle the large and inefficient state enterprises that had been created by the revolution. In that sense it reversed the state-led model that the 1952 revolution had established, and the successor government of Paz Zamora continued the neoliberal economic reforms begun by Paz Estenssoro, codifying some of them. The electoral system, meanwhile, became competitive: the 1985 vote was the first to be held since the country's transition back to democracy in October 1982."
    },
    {
      "heading": "宪法体制与国家机构",
      "text": "Constitutional framework\n\nVoters approved the current constitution in a January 2009 referendum, with about 61 percent in favour. Article 1 describes the state as a unitary, social, plurinational and communitarian state of law, one that is decentralized and organized around autonomies. Indigenous nations and peoples may choose their authorities and representatives under their own norms and procedures, within the framework of national law. The label Plurinational State has official standing, yet the constitutional text itself omits that name.\n\nArticle 12 channels public authority through four bodies (legislative, executive, judicial and electoral), whose organization rests on independence, separation, coordination and cooperation. Oversight, societal defence and state defence are classified as functions the state performs rather than as separate branches. The constitution also forbids merging these bodies' functions into one institution or delegating them away.\n\nExecutive and legislature\n\nThe head of state is chosen by direct popular vote, and presidential and legislative terms are both five years. The president may issue supreme decrees and resolutions. The Plurinational Legislative Assembly is presided over by the Vice-President.\n\nThe legislature, the Plurinational Legislative Assembly, is bicameral. It is the only body with authority to approve and sanction laws that govern the entire Bolivian territory. Of the 130 lower-house seats, 70 are decided in single-member constituencies, 53 by closed-list proportional vote, and 7 are reserved for indigenous candidates in rural areas. The upper house has 36 members, with each department contributing four. Legislative terms are five years. The most recent Senate and Chamber of Deputies elections were held on 17 August 2025.\n\nThe assembly's powers extend beyond lawmaking. It determines its own budget and manages its staff and internal affairs. Six members of the Electoral Organ are picked by the assembly, which requires a two-thirds majority of those present. It also shortlists candidates for the constitutional court, the supreme court, the agro-environmental court and the magistrates' council. Public-interest contracts on natural resources and strategic sectors, once signed by the executive, need assembly approval.\n\nJudiciary\n\nSeveral institutions make up the judiciary: the Supreme Tribunal of Justice, the Plurinational Constitutional Tribunal, the Judiciary Council, the Agrarian and Environmental Court, and departmental and lower courts. The Supreme Court of Justice is the highest court of ordinary jurisdiction and sits in Sucre. It replaced a supreme court that had operated from 1825 to 2011.\n\nThe Plurinational Constitutional Tribunal adjudicates the constitutionality of laws, government power and treaties. It consists of seven members. Judges of national courts were first chosen by popular vote in October 2011, under a reform associated with the Morales government. The Agro-Environmental Court is the highest specialized court for environmental, forestry, water and biodiversity issues.\n\nThe judiciary's independence has been contested. Freedom House cites a 2017 ruling by the Constitutional Tribunal as clearing the way for Morales to seek a fourth term in 2019. The same assessment identifies corruption, particularly within the judicial system, as an ongoing concern.\n\nElectoral organ\n\nThe Plurinational Electoral Organ is the independent electoral branch of government, and it replaced the National Electoral Court in 2010. Its structure runs from a seven-member Supreme Electoral Tribunal to nine departmental tribunals, electoral judges, polling-station juries selected anonymously, and electoral notaries. The constitution sets its mandate, and its operations are regulated by the Electoral Regime Law (Law 026, passed 2010). The national tribunal supervises balloting across the country through the departmental bodies. The organ and its top tribunal are headquartered in La Paz, although debates over relocating them to Sucre did not produce a settlement."
    },
    {
      "heading": "政治发展与近期政局（2006年至今）",
      "text": "Evo Morales took office in 2006, and his Movement for Socialism (MAS) governed for most of the following two decades. The party had its heyday during the commodities boom of the early 2000s, but natural gas exports have sputtered and its statist economic model of generous subsidies and a fixed exchange rate has collapsed. The constitution limits the president and vice president to two consecutive terms, and a 2016 referendum to increase the limit to three terms was rejected. Morales nonetheless ran in 2019 for a fourth consecutive term, which became the trigger for the political rupture of that year.\n\nThe 2019 general election was contested almost from the start. Electoral authorities stopped issuing incremental updates to the vote count when, with 83% of the vote counted, the initial results indicated a runoff election between Morales and opposition candidate Carlos Mesa might be necessary, and when counting resumed, a narrow lead for Morales triggered concerns of electoral fraud. The Organization of American States later audit found enough irregularities in the October elections to recommend a new election. Amid weeks of protests, Bolivia's military had recommended that Morales step down to prevent an escalation of violence, and he resigned on 10 November and left for Mexico, where he received asylum. Opposition senator Jeanine Áñez then declared herself senate president and then assumed the position of interim president, a move MAS legislators rejected. Morales characterised the transfer as a coup, while the opposition described it as a popular uprising against an authoritarian leader. The subsequent election was postponed because of the COVID-19 pandemic, and it was finally held in October 2020, won by Luis Arce, Morales' former finance minister. Arce's term ran from 2020 to 2025, and Áñez was arrested in March 2021.\n\nThe Arce government's economic management became the central issue of the next election. The previous administration under Luis Arce used much of Bolivia's foreign reserves to sustain fuel subsidies and maintain a fixed exchange rate. Chronic fuel and dollar shortages followed, and a majority of voters chose Paz to lift them out of what experts have called the worst economic crisis in 40 years. In the 2025 runoff, the centre-right candidate Rodrigo Paz, a Christian Democrat and son of a former Bolivian president, defeated former president Jorge \"Tuto\" Quiroga, to widespread surprise. Paz was sworn in on 8 November 2025 in La Paz, and the inauguration marked the end of nearly two decades of governance by the Movement for Socialism (MAS) party. Arce declined to attend, saying his presence was not required 'for the handover of power to proceed'. Paz described his economic approach as \"capitalism for all,\" combining fiscal discipline, decentralization, and lower taxes with continued social programs.\n\nThe new government's austerity measures precipitated the most serious crisis of its first year. The conflict initially erupted after Paz abruptly cut long-standing fuel subsidies to shrink the deficit, amid a worsening dollar crunch and talks with the International Monetary Fund. Protests drew on unions, farmers, and supporters of Morales, and are demanding Paz resign. The government made partial concessions, including repealing on 13 May a law allowing for the mortgaging of land amid widespread protests. Road blockades then continued for about 50 days, causing shortages of food, fuel and medical supplies in parts of the country. The ombudsman's office reported at least 14 deaths between 1 May and 15 June, many linked to disrupted medical care. On 19 June the government reached an agreement with the Bolivian Workers' Confederation (COB), and on 20 June Paz declared a nationwide state of emergency. The government declared a nationwide state of emergency for a period of ninety days, temporarily restricting mass gatherings and banning road blockades. Paz framed the blockades as no longer a social protest but an organised attempt to destabilise Bolivia's democracy. By 21 June, violent confrontations between demonstrators and riot police had led to 365 arrests and 37 injuries, according to authorities. The economic cost of the blockades was estimated at Bs. 14 billion.\n\nThe political disagreements that produced the crisis have not been resolved. Rights observers have warned that a harsh government response that fails to address the underlying issues could compound unrest in the long term. Morales, who has supported the protests and demanded a new election from his hideout in the coca-growing tropics, remains a central figure in the opposition, while the government and its critics continue to dispute the economic direction of the country."
    },
    {
      "heading": "人口、民族与语言",
      "text": "The national statistics institute (INE) revised its 2024 census count upward by about 52,700 people from an earlier preliminary figure, giving a population of 11,365,333. Some reference works still cite the lower total of 11,312,620. The sex ratio is close to parity, and the population is ageing: children now account for 27 percent of the population, down from 38.7 percent in 2001, while people over 65 make up 7.4 percent.\n\n族群构成与统计口径\n\nEstimates of the indigenous share of the population depend on the method used and range from 38.7% to 62.05%. The 2001 census recorded that 62 per cent of the population identifies itself as indigenous. The 2012 census counted only people aged 15 and over and found that indigenous people made up 41 per cent of the total population on that basis. Because the two censuses use different age bases, the fall between them cannot be read directly as a shift in self-identification. A large share of the remainder is mestizo, having mixed European and Indigenous ancestry.\n\nQuechua and Aymara are the largest indigenous groups, with 1,837,105 Quechua people and 1,598,807 Aymara people recorded in the 2012 census. Bolivia recognises 36 indigenous peoples in total. The Minority Rights Group noted that data on the present size of the indigenous and Afro-Bolivian populations had not yet been published when its profile was last updated, so ethnic breakdowns from the 2024 census should be treated as provisional.\n\n地域分布与城乡差异\n\nSettlement follows altitude and history. Most Aymara and Quechua people live mainly in the Andean highlands and valleys, and many rural residents make their living as smallholding farmers. Over time, large numbers have moved to cities. La Paz is predominantly Aymara, and El Alto has become known as the Aymara capital of the world, while Cochabamba's indigenous residents are mostly Quechua speakers.\n\nUrban estimates also vary. One census-based figure puts the urban population at 7,846,708, or 69.0%, in 2024, while another compilation gives an urban share of 71.545 per cent. In the lowlands, Santa Cruz is the most populous department, with 3,115,386 people. Indigenous people there are a minority: in 2001 they were 17 per cent of the population of the eastern lowlands and comprised 32 distinct peoples, and they live alongside internal migrants from the highlands. The regional identities reflect this divide, with Andean kolla, most of whom are Quechua or Aymara, and camba from the lowlands distinguished in everyday usage.\n\n语言政策\n\nThe 2009 Constitution makes 36 indigenous languages as well as Spanish official. All departmental governments must use, as official languages, one indigenous language in addition to Spanish. In practice, Spanish remains dominant: it is the most-spoken language (60.7%) within the population, and the most commonly spoken indigenous languages are Guaraní, Aymara, and Quechua.\n\nThe official list is uneven in its vitality. Of the 37 languages declared official by the constitution of 2009, 23 are spoken by fewer than 1,000 people and 2 are extinct. Bilingual schooling, the translation of public services and the use of indigenous languages in administration are therefore long-running policy questions, particularly for smaller communities in the lowlands.\n\n贫困与不平等\n\nPoverty and inequality are generally reported as more pronounced in rural and indigenous communities than in urban centres, and the link is closely tied to land, seasonal farming and access to services in the highlands. The national Gini index stood at 42.1 in 2023, a level that indicates wide income disparities across the population. Detailed poverty measurements by region and ethnic group come from national household surveys and policy evaluations and are not reproduced here."
    },
    {
      "heading": "经济结构与宏观经济",
      "text": "Bolivia's economy rests on mining, natural gas, agriculture, manufacturing, construction and services, and the state holds a large share of several of these sectors. The government keeps a majority stake in hydrocarbons, although it has offered incentives to draw private investment back into exploration, which had stalled for lack of funding Although the state holds a majority share in the hydrocarbons sector, the government has issued incentives and exemptions to encourage investment due to the lack of investment. In electricity, state-owned power firms hold about four-fifths of installed generating capacity Nationalized electric companies represent about 80 percent of total generation capacity.\n\nThe gas boom and the loss of reserves\n\nDuring the commodity boom of the 2000s, gas receipts financed an expansion of public spending and borrowing from abroad, which lifted growth and reduced poverty Since the mid-2000s, expansionary and redistributive fiscal policies have led to high growth and impressive progress in reducing poverty. These policies have been funded by sizable natural gas revenues, external borrowing and, more recently, by central bank lending. That model weakened as production declined. IMF staff estimated that since 2014, proceeds from natural gas exports witnessed a 70 percent decline, both due to lower global prices and waning domestic production, following years of underinvestment. Over the same period, the import bill for fuel grew from about 4 to 9 percent of GDP, as domestic oil output fell and subsidized prices encouraged consumption fuel imports rose from 4 to 9 percent of GDP as domestic oil production dwindled and price subsidies boosted demand. Since 2022 the country has depended on buying refined fuel abroad An additional critical factor is Bolivia's structural shift to becoming a net importer of fossil fuels (petrol and diesel) since 2022.\n\nForeign-exchange reserves fell in step. Central bank figures put net foreign-currency reserves at about $1.7 billion at the end of 2023, roughly 11 percent of their 2014 peak of $15 billion the country's net foreign currency reserves at the end of 2023 stood at just $1.7 billion, the lowest level in 19 years and just 11 percent of its peak of $15 billion in 2014. To defend the fixed rate of just under seven bolivianos to the dollar, the central bank sold foreign currency the central bank has been forced to defend its peg of just under seven bolivianos per US dollar by selling foreign currency. Exports to Argentina have also ended, which left Brazil as the principal buyer With Argentina's exit, Bolivia has become increasingly dependent on Brazil.\n\nFuel subsidies and the 2025–2026 reform\n\nFuel subsidies became the central fiscal problem. A December 2025 decree removed long-standing subsidies, and reported price increases were about 86 percent for gasoline and about 160 percent for diesel Supreme Decree 5503 ended decades of fuel subsidies, causing gasoline prices to rise 86% and diesel prices to rise 160%. Subsidies had been costing the state roughly $3 billion a year Cutting the fuel subsidies that cost the state around three billion dollars a year would ease the fiscal hole but risks pushing prices at the pump sharply higher. The diesel subsidy ended in September 2026, when the price of a litre rose from Bs 9.80 to Bs 17.95 Diesel went from Bs 9.80 to Bs 17.95 a litre (about US$0.82 to US$1.49) on 19 September. Petrol remains subsidized for the rest of 2026, and the economy minister has said the IMF arrangement covers only motor fuels Bolivia will remove its fuel subsidy only for motor fuels and will not touch electricity or gas under its deal with the IMF. Full cost recovery for domestic fuel is scheduled from January 2027 under its IMF deal, domestic fuel prices are due to cover their full cost from January 2027.\n\nExchange rate, inflation and public debt\n\nThe boliviano moved to a floating rate in June 2026 after nearly fifteen years of a fixed rate It has also cut spending and let the boliviano, the national currency, float after nearly 15 years at a fixed rate. The gap between official and parallel dollar rates narrowed sharply, from over 120 percent in mid-2025 to about 31 percent by December The parallel-market premium fell from over 120% in the summer of 2025 to 31% by mid-December. Annual inflation reached 20.4 percent in 2025 Inflation was 20.4% in 2025. It then eased to 5.70 percent in September 2026, while the central bank expects 9.2 percent by December Annual inflation was 5.70% in September, down from 9.2% in June and far below the 20.4% recorded for 2025.\n\nPublic debt has risen sharply. The World Bank puts it at 90.4 percent of GDP at end-2025, compared with 31.3 percent in 2014 Public debt stood at 90.4 percent of GDP at end-2025, up from 31.3 percent in 2014. IMF projections use different coverage and show a larger rise in 2026 The IMF expects public debt to jump from 83.3% of economic output in 2025 to 100.2% this year. External obligations are heavy: the stark gap between Bolivia's external obligations — $1.6 billion in debt service through 2026, $12 billion due through 2030 — and its capacity to meet those obligations will only continue to grow. To address this, the government has entered a 36-month IMF programme, with the first review scheduled for December The IMF's first review of Bolivia's loan programme is due in December, and the remaining 11 disbursements depend on such reviews."
    },
    {
      "heading": "能源体系与天然气产业",
      "text": "For much of the early twenty-first century, natural gas was the anchor of Bolivia's external earnings. In 2014, gas exports accounted for 46.5% of Bolivia's total exports, amounting to $6.01 billion out of $12.90 billion. Output followed the same arc. Bolivian gas production peaked in 2014 at 61 million cubic metres per day (mcmd) and has since tumbled to around 38 mcmd, according to Bolivian government statistics. By mid-2025, a national statistics report indicated that Bolivia's gas production tumbled to 28.6 million cu m/d in June from a record 60.8 million cu m/d in 2014.\n\nThe decline had several causes. Foreign operators had little reason to expand drilling, so companies such as TotalEnergies and Repsol focused on developing existing gas reserves rather than drilling for more. Contract obligations became impossible to honour: By 2016, Bolivia was unable to meet export commitments to Brazil and Argentina, paying penalties for shortfalls. Deliveries to Argentina stopped on 18 September 2024, though Bolivian gas supply continues to Brazil. Rising output from Argentina's Vaca Muerta shale play gave Buenos Aires the means to cut its purchases: Argentina has significantly reduced its imports from Bolivia since 2024 due to the increased production from the Vaca Muerta field. Brazil remains the main remaining outlet, but those to Brazil decreased significantly. Gas export receipts slid from more than $6 billion in 2014 to about $1.1 billion in 2025.\n\nThe shrinking export base changed the country's position in the fuel market. After 30 years of being a hydrocarbon exporting country, Bolivia became a net importer of fuel as of April 2022. Estimates of import dependence differ. One 2026 report puts imports at about 60% of the gasoline and 95% of the diesel it consumes. The U.S. State Department's 2026 investment climate statement instead says Bolivia now imports more than half of its gasoline and 86 percent of its diesel. Either way, since 2023, Bolivia has experienced several diesel and gasoline shortages, generating long lines and some social unrest. Bottlenecks in the import chain have aggravated the problem. Reports from August 2026 describe serious delays at the Chilean port of Arica. More than 40 million liters were reportedly waiting to be unloaded there. In early September 2026, state oil firm YPFB was placed under government intervention, a response to persistent shortages.\n\nFuel pricing has become the central policy problem. The subsidy represented an annual drain of more than $2 billion on the state, and the government has been unable to sustain it as foreign currency reserves ran low. The diesel price was lifted from Bs 9.80 to Bs 17.95 a litre on 19 September 2026, when the remaining subsidy for diesel ended. Gasoline would remain subsidised until December and lose its subsidy from January 2027, according to AP reporting. The government has not published a decree or a price for gasoline from that date. Responses to the shortage, including a fuel subsidy withdrawal and a reorganisation of fuel logistics, have therefore carried direct social costs for freight operators and households.\n\nSupply-side remedies are slow. A gas well discovered in Alto Beni, in La Paz, and a planned $400 million exploration programme are not expected to ease shortages in the short term. Investment promotion has widened beyond hydrocarbons: the government has expanded its investment promotion to include renewable energy and critical minerals, offering investors direct access to neighboring markets through regional grid interconnection plans and cross-border trading frameworks. Solar and hydroelectric projects remain modest in scale, and conventional fossil fuels still dominate the energy mix. Demand-side change is visible in transport, where a small but growing number of Bolivians have turned to electric vehicles as fuel costs rose and supply became unreliable."
    },
    {
      "heading": "锂资源与矿业发展",
      "text": "Resource base and its classification\n\nMost of the lithium lies in brine, a salty underground water, beneath the Salar de Uyuni in Potosí department. The US Geological Survey (USGS) puts Bolivia's lithium resources at 23 million tonnes. Resource figures, however, are not reserve figures. Definitions separate material with feasible or potentially feasible extraction from the portion that can be recovered economically at the time of assessment. Bolivia appears nowhere in the USGS reserves table. The reason is that Bolivia has never produced the prefeasibility and feasibility work that reserve status demands. The claim that Bolivia holds the world's largest lithium base also depends on the edition used: the USGS figures cited for 2026 place Argentina's 28 million tonnes ahead of Bolivia's 23 million.\n\nBrine chemistry and extraction\n\nThe technical obstacle is chemical. Uyuni's brine contains high levels of magnesium, which undermines the solar evaporation ponds that Chile's Atacama operations rely on. No direct lithium extraction (DLE) technology has been proven at commercial scale there. DLE aims to recover the metal directly from brine, which could potentially eliminate the need for solar evaporation and reduce water consumption.\n\nProduction has lagged well behind plans. The first industrial lithium carbonate plant, at Llipi on the Uyuni flat, opened in December 2023, and it was built to make 15,000 tonnes a year of lithium carbonate. In 2024, it produced 2,064 tonnes, just 13.7% of that capacity. Estimates for 2025 differ: official figures from state company YLB put 2025 output at 2,790 tonnes, while El País of Tarija put Bolivia's 2025 production at about 2,400 tonnes. Earlier official forecasts had envisaged 100,000 tonnes of lithium carbonate in 2025, and the country has produced an accumulated 1,400 tonnes since 2018.\n\nForeign partnerships and legal constraints\n\nLithium policy is shaped by the state's control over the sector. Partnerships are allowed, but the state must keep majority control of at least 51 percent. Under this framework, the state company YLB negotiated large contracts with foreign firms. The first of these was signed in September 2024 with Russia's Uranium One Group, which agreed to produce 14,000 tons of lithium carbonate per year at the Salar de Uyuni. Uranium One Group is a subsidiary of Rosatom, the state nuclear firm. The second arrangement involves the CBC consortium, which includes the battery maker CATL. CBC committed $1.03 billion to two industrial plants, with capacities of 25,000 and 10,000 metric tons per year. Together, the two plants were expected to produce 35,000 tonnes of lithium a year, and YLB said it would take a 51% stake in the project.\n\nBoth contracts ran into legislative and judicial obstacles. They have been stalled in the legislature since the end of 2024. Only one, with Russia's Uranium One Group, was partially approved on 12 August, shortly before the presidential elections. A court later ordered the suspension of two major extraction deals following a popular action in defense of Indigenous and environmental rights brought by a provincial organisation in Nor Lípez, where around 50 Indigenous communities are settled. As of 2026, the contracts, worth over US$2 billion, still lack congressional approval. Critics have also focused on terms: the Uranium One contract obliges YLB to repay all construction and exploration costs, despite the Russian partner having no obligation to operate the plant, according to one think tank.\n\nThe government of Rodrigo Paz, in office since November 2025, is pursuing a more market-oriented economic era. Passing a new hydrocarbons law and a separate lithium law this year is seen as key to attracting foreign investment. Lithium has become a test of whether the country can attract foreign capital while keeping the state in charge.\n\nOther mineral resources\n\nBeyond lithium, Bolivia's mining sector has long centred on tin, zinc, silver and gold, which have shaped both the historical economy and present-day export earnings."
    },
    {
      "heading": "交通、基础设施与城市化",
      "text": "As a landlocked country, Bolivia relies on its neighbours' territory and ports to move almost all of its foreign trade. Unlike most countries, it is one of the few completely landlocked states without direct access to an ocean or sea. The country does have inland river ports, which access the Atlantic Ocean through two river systems: Acre-Purus-Amazon and Paraguay-Paraná. In practice, however, the main export routes run to the Pacific. Bolivia heavily depends on the port infrastructures of its neighbors, notably the Chilean port of Arica and the Peruvian port of Ilo. The Chilean link rests on the 1904 peace treaty, under which Chile also recognized the right of Bolivia in perpetuity to commercial transit through its territory and ports, to be regulated by special agreements. A railway built in the early twentieth century supports this corridor: in 1913, a railroad was completed between Arica and La Paz. On the Peruvian side, a 1992 arrangement gave Bolivia a bounded zone at Ilo, a special economic area of 5 kilometers (3.1 miles) of maritime coast, and a total extension of 358 hectares (880 acres), which Bolivia administers for 99 years.\n\nThe highland metropolis of La Paz and El Alto is the core of the country's urban transport problem. It is part of the La Paz-El Alto metropolitan area, which has a combined population of 2.8 million citizens. El Alto, which sits above La Paz on the urbanizing Altiplano, is a fast-growing city with one million people living at over 4,000 metres above sea level. Steep terrain and congested streets made commuting slow, and the response was the Mi Teleférico aerial cable car network. Its lines currently consist of 23 kilometres (km) of lines and has 20 stations along six routes in the 2010s planning, and it has since grown considerably. Academic work on the system notes that the city handles 1.7 million trips per day, including 350,000 trips between La Paz and El Alto. Construction was not without cost: one anthropologist has noted that the costs were way over budget, and developers had to raze properties to build it.\n\nTransport networks are also a point of vulnerability. In 2026, road blockades during protests over living costs and fuel subsidy cuts showed how quickly a closure of key routes can affect supplies. Barricades erected on key roads have effectively isolated the city of La Paz, triggering fuel and food shortages, paralyzing transportation and preventing patients from reaching hospitals. Estimates of the human cost vary by source: the national ombudsman's office reported at least 14 killed between May 1 and June 15, while later reporting put the toll at at least 24 people killed and 37 injured as of 9 July and 20 June, respectively. On 20 June the president declared a state of emergency, and the government's measures temporarily restricted mass gatherings and banning road blockades. The blockade episode also produced large economic losses, estimated at Bs. 14 billion, with the damage to infrastructure across the country being estimated to cost Bs. 150 million.\n\nRapid urban growth places strain on housing, water supply, sanitation and public services, particularly in peripheral districts. The city is rapidly developing, although significant challenges with substandard infrastructure and utilities remain, especially in the outlying areas. Much of the new population in El Alto is poorer than in La Paz; the city is a poorer urban area, which makes the distribution of utilities and transport access an equity question as well as an engineering one. Local governments' planning capacity and budgets therefore largely determine whether services keep pace with growth, and the cable car shows both the benefits and the financial risks of large public projects in this setting."
    },
    {
      "heading": "文化、艺术与节庆",
      "text": "Andean music in Bolivia is built around wind and string instruments such as the panpipe (zampoña) and the charango, a small stringed instrument. In highland Aymara and Quechua communities, music is tied to agricultural cycles, household life and religious observance, and it is performed at weddings, harvests and saints' days. In cities such as La Paz and El Alto, folk ensembles, brass bands and urban musicians have adapted these traditions into newer popular forms, so the same instruments and rhythms appear both in village festivals and in commercial recordings and urban concerts.\n\nThe Carnival of Oruro is the country's best-known festival. Held in the mining city of Oruro each February or March, it is organized as a pilgrimage to the sanctuary of the Virgin of the Mineshaft (Virgen del Socavón), a devotion associated with miners. Dance groups called fraternidades, which may have decades of history, rehearse for months and take part in a parade that can last through much of a day and night. The Diablada, or \"Dance of the Devils\", stages a struggle between good and evil, with the triumph of the Archangel Michael over the devil as its symbolic core. The Morenada is a slower dance with heavily costumed performers, and the Caporales is another major group. Scholars often describe the festival as a blend of Andean ritual and Spanish colonial theatre: Andean ceremonies were suppressed in the seventeenth century and survived partly under Christian liturgical forms, and the Diablada is widely linked to older Uru and Andean ritual practices. UNESCO proclaimed the carnival a Masterpiece of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity in 2001, and it was later added to the Representative List of the intangible cultural heritage in 2008. Because the Diablada and Morenada are central to the carnival, the recognition is often discussed in connection with these dances. Their Andean roots have also made them a point of cultural contention with neighbouring Peru.\n\nTextiles and handicrafts are among the most continuous forms of Bolivian material culture. Most highland clothing is woven in warp-faced technique, in which the warp threads are visible and the weft is concealed, and many weavers still use backstrap looms that have been in use in the Andes for millennia. Alpaca and llama wool are the principal fibres. Some communities keep distinctive regional styles: the Jalq'a and Tarabuco weavers of the Sucre area produce textiles with figures of imaginary animals, mythical beings and scenes of daily life, and the Jalq'a tradition was nearly lost after the 1970s, when its techniques were taken up by commercial producers and the original weavers were drawn away from the craft. Some older techniques also have a long pedigree; a double-cloth technique of pre-Hispanic origin was revived in the twentieth century and is now used in community textiles. Other textiles introduced by the Spanish, such as the coarse woollen bayeta, became rare by around 2000, and their revival since the 2000s has involved both cooperatives and the wider cultural revival associated with the Carnival of Oruro. Traditional weaving thus combines continuity of symbolic systems with adaptation of materials and markets.\n\nContemporary literature, film and visual arts are active in La Paz, Santa Cruz de la Sierra and other cities, and many of these works engage with the country's multiethnic identity, its colonial past and the memory of social and political change. Museums such as the ASUR Museum in Sucre and textile collections in La Paz help preserve and present indigenous art, while urban festivals and local cultural organizations connect rural traditions with city audiences. These artistic practices show that Bolivian culture is not confined to the past but continues to change under the pressures of urbanization, migration and new media."
    },
    {
      "heading": "教育、健康与公共服务",
      "text": "Education\n\nBolivia's school system has two main tracks: free public schools and fee-charging private schools. Public schools teach mainly in Spanish, and quality and infrastructure differ sharply between cities and rural areas. Public and private schools have historically had to follow a common national curriculum. Since the 1990s and 2010s, successive education reforms have aimed to raise public-sector quality and to promote bilingual and intercultural teaching that recognises Indigenous languages alongside Spanish, a policy linked to multilingual constitutional recognition.\n\nLiteracy rose dramatically over the twentieth century. In the 1950s most Indigenous Bolivians could not read or write, and by the end of the century about four-fifths of adults were literate (literacy). Attainment beyond primary school is much less uniform. Secondary education is not compulsory, and older data suggest that fewer than a quarter of young adults attended. Vocational training is largely offered by private colleges in urban areas, while many children of rural families have little or no access to it.\n\nHigher education\n\nHigher education combines public autonomous universities, which are financed by the state, with private institutions regulated under a separate oversight body. Most public universities are located in departmental capitals, with the exception of Cobija, the capital of Pando. The largest are the Universidad Mayor de San Andrés in La Paz and the Universidad Mayor de San Simón in Cochabamba, which dates to 1832. Public universities are generally larger and have more research capacity, while private universities usually focus on business, technology and health sciences. The number of private universities expanded rapidly after 1985, when government policy encouraged their growth, and it is now larger than the number of public institutions. Counts differ by source and year. Some sources list around 10 public and 23 private universities, while others cite a larger total. Bolivia also has Indigenous universities, such as the Universidad Indígena \"Tupak Katari\".\n\nHealth system\n\nThe main public instrument is the Sistema Único de Salud (SUS), also called the Seguro Universal de Salud. It was introduced in 2019 to provide free public coverage to people without formal employment or insurance, and it is part of a broader structure that includes the social security system and private providers. Estimates of its reach differ. One study places coverage at about 51 percent of the population, or 5.8 million people, while another source puts it at roughly 70 percent. Research on the first year of implementation found that access to public services had increased, but it also identified insufficient staffing, low public health spending relative to recommended levels for universal coverage, long waiting times, and shortages of medicines and hospital beds.\n\nHealth is also shaped by altitude. People who have lived for generations in the Andes, and newcomers who stay long enough to acclimatise, tend to have elevated hemoglobin levels. In La Paz, where men live between about 3,200 and 4,100 metres, chronic mountain sickness (also called Monge's disease) is a major health problem. This condition is characterised by excessive red blood cell production, and it occurs more often among Andean populations than among Tibetan ones. Researchers have found that a high haemoglobin concentration is not always beneficial for acclimatisation. Because normal values change with elevation, clinicians must interpret blood test results against altitude-specific reference ranges rather than fixed thresholds.\n\nPublic health challenges\n\nInfectious disease control, malnutrition and child health remain significant concerns. Health resources are unevenly distributed between urban and rural areas, and the difficulty of reaching remote communities compounds these problems. Public health policy therefore has to address both the quality of services and the geographic reach of the system."
    },
    {
      "heading": "宗教信仰与社会习俗",
      "text": "Religious affiliation and survey figures\n\nRoman Catholicism is the largest religious affiliation in Bolivia, but the reported share depends on the survey. The 2001 national census recorded 78 percent of the population identified themselves as Roman Catholic and 16 percent as Protestant or evangelical. A 2018 Latinobarómetro survey put the Catholic share at 70% of Bolivians, while Protestants made up 17.2% of Bolivians, and about 9 percent reported no religion. The two surveys used different methods and dates, so the gap between them should be read as a difference in measurement rather than a settled trend.\n\nAffiliation also varies by place of residence. In the 2001 census, 80 percent of the urban population was Catholic, while 14 percent was Protestant or evangelical. In rural areas, 74 percent was Catholic, while 20.5 percent was Protestant or evangelical. Catholic institutions have historically been weaker in the countryside, where a lack of resources and indigenous cultural resistance to church efforts to replace traditional attitudes have limited their reach.\n\nColonial Catholicism and Andean belief\n\nThe Catholic presence dates to the Spanish colonial period, and in 1549 the Franciscan order built a church in what is now La Paz. Indigenous communities did not simply abandon their earlier beliefs. Anthropologists note that the indigenous would camouflage their beliefs under Catholic ones. That created a blend of Christian and ancestral rites, called religious syncretism. The constitution now refers to this complex as \"Andean cosmovision\".\n\nThe central figure of this tradition is Pachamama. In Quechua and Aymara, the word \"pacha\" means earth, cosmos, universe, time and space, and the second part \"mama\" means mother. Syncretism often links Andean deities with Christian figures: the Virgin Mary is often conflated with Pachamama, Tunupa with Saint Bartholomew, and Illapa (god of lightning) with Saint James. Many people attend Mass and maintain these practices without seeing a contradiction. It isn't unusual for Bolivians to go to mass on a Sunday and perform ancient blessing rituals hours later.\n\nRituals and the festival calendar\n\nThe most common everyday ritual is the ch'alla. Before drinking, you tip a little of your beer, chicha or singani onto the ground for Pachamama. The practice extends to work life as well: civil engineers often say a blessing for the Pachamama before breaking ground on projects.\n\nRitual activity is most concentrated in August. August is Pachamama's month. The earth is said to be open and hungry, and the first of August is when the year's most serious offerings are made. Offerings take the form of a mesa, a bundle of symbolic offerings burned for the earth. The Catholic calendar also shapes social life. Todos Santos is observed on 1 and 2 November, with 1 November dedicated to children who have died and 2 November to adults.\n\nThe Alasita festival in La Paz shows the blending most clearly. The festival has grown into a mixture of Catholicism with age-old Andes traditions. Whereas the Franciscans focus on the Virgin and the yatiris (local shamans) focus on the Andean God Ekeko, the average Bolivian cares about both and has no problem combining the two. Participants buy miniature versions of their dreams and get them blessed by a priest, then offer them to Ekeko, the chubby God of Plenty, hoping their dreams will come true.\n\nEvangelical positions and religious diversity\n\nProtestant communities, which are growing in rural areas, have taken a different stance on these practices. Many evangelical groups, like Pentecostal or neo-evangelical churches, categorically reject any syncretism with elements like Pachamama, saints, or Andean rituals, which they perceive as idolatry. Smaller groups such as Mennonite, Adventist and Mormon congregations, along with Bahá'í, Jewish and Muslim communities, form a minority of the population, and the 2001 census noted that less than 1 percent were non-Christians, including Muslims and Jews.\n\nConstitutional framework and state–church relations\n\nThe 2009 constitution changed the legal position of religion. Its Article 4 states that the State respects and guarantees freedom of religion and spiritual beliefs, according to their view of the world. The State is independent of religion. The Catholic Church was disestablished as the state religion in early 2009 and lost remaining privileges in 2019 with the promulgation of the law on religious freedom. Under the constitutional framework, public schools may offer religion classes, and these include indigenous spiritual belief classes, with the stated aim of encouraging mutual respect among religious communities.\n\nThe relationship between religious bodies and the state has remained contested. A dispute arose over a measure that stipulates that any religious organization in the country — Jewish and Muslim communities as well as Protestant churches — must reapply for legal standing, and critics argued that it conflicted with the constitutional guarantee. Church–state relations, the status of indigenous spirituality, and the legal recognition of religious groups thus remain areas of ongoing political debate."
    },
    {
      "heading": "对外关系与国际地位",
      "text": "Bolivia is a member of the United Nations and takes part in multilateral bodies in the Americas and the Andes, including the Andean Community. Since late 2025 its foreign policy has shifted toward Washington, while economic ties with Beijing remain large. The two tracks are running in parallel.\n\nRelations with China expanded rapidly over the past two decades. Chinese firms supplied telecommunications equipment, mining and oil-sector equipment, and infrastructure work, including hydroelectric, road and railway projects, with an estimated value of about $6 billion. Most of this activity consisted of contracts with the Bolivian state for goods and services rather than investment in local industry. By 2026 many of these projects had stalled, and fewer Chinese companies were still operating in the country. Trade nevertheless grew. Bilateral trade reached $4.263 billion in 2025, a 20 percent increase on the previous year, and China became Bolivia's largest export destination, displacing Brazil. Bolivian exports to China, led by lithium and other minerals, passed $1 billion in 2025. Agricultural products such as beef, sorghum and chia also gained access to the Chinese market.\n\nRelations with the United States have swung widely. In 2008, the government of Evo Morales accused Washington of trying to orchestrate a coup, and both sides expelled ambassadors in the dispute that followed. Ties were restored after the 2025 election. In February 2026 Bolivia reopened its doors to the Drug Enforcement Administration, ending a break of nearly two decades in counter-narcotics cooperation. Bolivia also became a founding member of the Shield of the Americas, a regional security grouping. In October 2026, members of that grouping issued a joint statement praising Bolivia's measures against drug trafficking and corruption. The two governments have also announced plans to relaunch a trade and investment council and to pursue an open-skies air agreement. The U.S. embassy in La Paz is currently headed by a chargé d'affaires, not an ambassador. Bolivia's foreign minister has said he expects the next Bolivian ambassador in Washington to take up the post by the end of 2026. Relations with Venezuela, Cuba, Iran and Russia, which were relatively close under the Morales and Arce governments, have been reassessed since the change of administration.\n\nThe relationship with Chile is the most consequential foreign-policy issue. Bolivia lost its coastline to Chile in the War of the Pacific (1879–1884), and the 1904 treaty settled the border. Chile maintains that Bolivia already enjoys duty-free access to the port of Arica, while Bolivia seeks sovereign access to the Pacific. In 2013 Bolivia brought the matter before the International Court of Justice. On 1 October 2018 the court ruled 12 to 3 that Chile had no legal obligation to negotiate such access. The judgment added that the ruling did not prevent the two countries from continuing their dialogue. The two states have had no ambassador-level relations since 1978 and maintain consulates instead. Since the inauguration of Paz and of Chilean president José Antonio Kast in March 2026, relations have warmed. The foreign ministers met at the Chungará–Tambo Quemado crossing in April 2026 and signed an air services agreement. A visit by Kast to La Paz is scheduled for 16 October 2026, with a minerals agreement, crude oil imports through Chilean ports and a planned undersea fibre-optic cable on the agenda. Bolivian officials have stated that the new approach does not mean giving up the maritime claim.\n\nBolivia's diplomacy therefore combines an active engagement with major outside powers and a long-standing demand that shapes its bilateral agenda. Its economic exposure to China, its security cooperation with the United States and its unresolved access question with Chile each have a distinct legal and commercial basis, and each is revisited in the sections on the economy, lithium and natural gas."
    }
  ],
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    "glacier",
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  ],
  "sources": [
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    },
    {
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    },
    {
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    },
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    },
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    },
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    },
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    },
    {
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      "url": "https://anthropology.sas.upenn.edu/sites/default/files/page/EricksonDomesticatedLandscapesOfTheAndes2019b.pdf"
    },
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    },
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      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/And%C3%A9n"
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    },
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    },
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      "title": "War of the Pacific (1879-1884) - Human Conflicts",
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    },
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      "title": "Guide bolivia: Pacific war",
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      "url": "https://en.unav.edu/web/global-affairs/la-fijaci%C3%B3n-de-bolivia-con-su-perdido-acceso-al-mar"
    },
    {
      "title": "Chaco War",
      "url": "https://www.britannica.com/event/Chaco-War"
    },
    {
      "title": "Chaco War",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chaco_War"
    },
    {
      "title": "Chaco War",
      "url": "https://www.encyclopedia.com/humanities/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/chaco-war"
    },
    {
      "title": "Andrew Clem ~ The Chaco War, 1932-1935",
      "url": "https://www.andrewclem.com/LatinAmerica/ChacoWar.html"
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      "title": "Into the Green Hell: The Chaco War, 1932-1935",
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    },
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    },
    {
      "title": "Chaco War",
      "url": "https://war-history.fandom.com/wiki/Chaco_War"
    },
    {
      "title": "Obligation to negotiate access to the Pacific Ocean (Bolivia v. Chile) Judgment of 1 October 2018",
      "url": "https://www.un-ilibrary.org/content/books/9789213585733c008"
    },
    {
      "title": "Obligation to Negotiate Access to the Pacific Ocean (Bolivia v. Chile) - The Court finds that the Republic of Chile did not undertake a legal obligation to negotiate a sovereign access to the Pacific",
      "url": "https://www.icj-cij.org/node/105705"
    },
    {
      "title": "ICJ Rules Chile Not Obligated to Negotiate Bolivia’s Ocean Access (October 1, 2018)",
      "url": "https://asil.org/ilib/icj-rules-chile-not-obligated-negotiate-bolivias-ocean-access-october-1-2018/"
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    {
      "title": "Chile not obliged to negotiate sea access with Bolivia: ICJ",
      "url": "https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2018/10/1/chile-not-obliged-to-negotiate-sea-access-with-bolivia-icj"
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    {
      "title": "Revolutionary Nationalist Movement",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Revolutionary_Nationalist_Movement"
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      "title": "Bolivian National Revolution",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bolivian_National_Revolution"
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    {
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      "url": "https://grokipedia.com/page/Bolivian_National_Revolution"
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    {
      "title": "Bolivia - THE BOLIVIAN NATIONAL REVOLUTION, 1952-64",
      "url": "https://countrystudies.us/bolivia/19.htm"
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    {
      "title": "The Bolivian Revolution: Nationalization and Reforms - LegalClarity",
      "url": "https://legalclarity.org/the-bolivian-revolution-nationalization-and-reforms/"
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    {
      "title": "The Bolivian National Revolution 1952-1964",
      "url": "https://latinamericanstudies.org/bolivian-revolution.htm"
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    {
      "title": "V%C3%ADctor Paz Estenssoro",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/V%C3%ADctor_Paz_Estenssoro"
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    {
      "title": "Bolivia - The Military",
      "url": "https://countrystudies.us/bolivia/83.htm"
    },
    {
      "title": "December 1992 Volume IV, Number 11 BOLIVIA",
      "url": "https://www.hrw.org/reports/pdfs/b/bolivia/bolivia92d.pdf"
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    {
      "title": "History of Bolivia (1964%E2%80%931982)",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Bolivia_(1964%E2%80%931982)"
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    {
      "title": "Celso Torrelio",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Celso_Torrelio"
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    {
      "title": "Bolivia - Transition to Democracy",
      "url": "https://www.countrystudies.us/bolivia/24.htm"
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    {
      "title": "The History of Bolivia",
      "url": "https://manifold.bfi.uchicago.edu/read/a-monetary-and-fiscal-history-of-latin-america-1960-2017/section/4bfa32fc-006b-4a6d-aa1c-7d5adac1e705/resource/b7b03e56-42f3-4bdf-a61a-2dcff0d91eca"
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    {
      "title": "The Case of Bolivia",
      "url": "https://mafhola.uchicago.edu/wp-content/uploads/Bolivia.pdf"
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      "title": "Bolivia - Democracy and Economic Stabilization",
      "url": "https://countrystudies.us/bolivia/80.htm"
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    {
      "title": "History of Bolivia (1982%E2%80%93present)",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Bolivia_(1982%E2%80%93present)"
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    {
      "title": "1985 Bolivian general election",
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    {
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    {
      "title": "Luis Garc%C3%ADa Meza",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luis_Garc%C3%ADa_Meza"
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      "title": "Bolivia - Civilian Rule, Democracy, Elections",
      "url": "https://www.britannica.com/place/Bolivia/Restoration-of-civilian-government"
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    {
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      "title": "Bolivia (Plurinational State of)'s Constitution of 2009",
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      "title": "IFES Election Guide",
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      "title": "Bolivia: Freedom in the World 2023 Country Report",
      "url": "https://freedomhouse.org/country/bolivia/freedom-world/2023"
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    {
      "title": "Bolivia: Freedom in the World 2018 Country Report",
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    {
      "title": "Constitution of Bolivia",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Constitution_of_Bolivia"
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    {
      "title": "Rodrigo Paz sworn-in as Bolivia's new president ending 20 year dynasty of one-party rule",
      "url": "https://www.yahoo.com/news/articles/rodrigo-paz-sworn-bolivias-president-083753665.html"
    },
    {
      "title": "2019 Bolivian political crisis",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2019_Bolivian_political_crisis"
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    {
      "title": "Bolivia: Special Elections Called After President Morales Resigns",
      "url": "https://www.loc.gov/item/global-legal-monitor/2019-12-13/bolivia-special-elections-called-after-president-morales-resigns/"
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    {
      "title": "Morales Government (2006-2019)",
      "url": "https://www.everycrsreport.com/files/20191114_IN11198_93010ba7a33bd29477b04baa13552e29a8f36902.html"
    },
    {
      "title": "Rodrigo Paz sworn in as new president of Bolivia",
      "url": "https://qazinform.com/news/rodrigo-paz-sworn-in-as-new-president-of-bolivia-cd7b8c"
    },
    {
      "title": "Rodrigo Paz sworn in as Bolivia’s new president in La Paz",
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    {
      "title": "Bolivian President Paz declares state of emergency over anti-government blockades - France 24",
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    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia’s president declares state of emergency over blockade crisis",
      "url": "https://www.cnn.com/2026/06/20/americas/bolivia-president-state-of-emergency-intl-hnk"
    },
    {
      "title": "2026 in Bolivia",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2026_in_Bolivia"
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    {
      "title": "2026 Bolivian protests",
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    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivian authorities say no active blockades after state of emergency decree",
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    {
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    {
      "title": "Bolivia Ends Socialist Rule With Paz Inauguration, Starlink Deal - Bloomberg",
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    {
      "title": "Rodrigo Paz sworn in as Bolivia's new president, ending 20 years of one-party rule",
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    {
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    {
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    {
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    {
      "title": "Bolivia 2024 Census: 11.3M People, Aging Fast",
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    },
    {
      "title": "2024 Bolivian census",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2024_Bolivian_census"
    },
    {
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    },
    {
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      "url": "https://un.arizona.edu/2007-report-situation-indigenous-peoples-bolivia"
    },
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      "url": "https://minorityrights.org/country/bolivia/"
    },
    {
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    },
    {
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    },
    {
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      "url": "https://demographer.org/countries/bolivia-demographics/"
    },
    {
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      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Demographics_of_Bolivia"
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    {
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    {
      "title": "Bolivia - Data Commons",
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    {
      "title": "Bolivia Country Commercial Guide",
      "url": "https://www.trade.gov/index.php/country-commercial-guides/bolivia-energy"
    },
    {
      "title": "BOLIVIA 4 INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND CONTEXT 1.",
      "url": "https://www.elibrary.imf.org/downloadpdf/view/journals/002/2025/034/article-A001-en.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "From crisis to stability: what next for Bolivia’s economy? - Economics Observatory",
      "url": "https://www.economicsobservatory.com/from-crisis-to-stability-what-next-for-bolivias-economy"
    },
    {
      "title": "Dwindling Reserves Put Bolivia’s Economy on Edge",
      "url": "https://internationalbanker.com/finance/dwindling-reserves-put-bolivias-economy-on-edge/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia's Gas Exports at Crossroads: Political Change and Energy Crisis",
      "url": "https://discoveryalert.com.au/bolivia-gas-exports-crossroads-2025-political-energy-transformation/"
    },
    {
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      "url": "https://www.riotimesonline.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Bolivia_Exchange_Rate_Report.pdf"
    },
    {
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      "url": "https://www.riotimesonline.com/bolivia-economy-2026-fuel-inflation-crisis/"
    },
    {
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      "url": "https://www.riotimesonline.com/bolivia-food-prices-families-minimum-wage-2026/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia Keeps Petrol Subsidy Until January Review",
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    },
    {
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      "url": "https://www.riotimesonline.com/bolivia-economy-shrink-imf-forecast-2026"
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    {
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    },
    {
      "title": "BOLIVIA After reducing fuel subsidies in late 2025, the new govern-",
      "url": "https://thedocs.worldbank.org/en/doc/e408a7e21ba62d843bdd90dc37e61b57-0500032021/related/mpo-bol.pdf"
    },
    {
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    {
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      "url": "https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2026-04-16/sinking-gas-exports-leave-cash-strapped-bolivia-needing-imf-deal"
    },
    {
      "title": "© 2025 International Monetary Fund IMF Country Report No. 25/116 BOLIVIA",
      "url": "https://www.imf.org/-/media/files/publications/cr/2025/english/1bolea2025002-print-pdf.pdf"
    },
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    },
    {
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      "url": "https://www.spglobal.com/energy/en/news-research/latest-news/natural-gas/091225-argentina-aims-to-step-up-gas-exports-to-brazil-but-bolivian-fees-are-a-hurdle"
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    {
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      "url": "https://www.world-energy.org/article/44989.html"
    },
    {
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      "url": "https://www.state.gov/reports/2026-investment-climate-statements/bolivia"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia intervenes in state oil company amid fuel shortage - UPI.com",
      "url": "https://www.upi.com/Top_News/World-News/2026/09/03/Bolivia-intervenes-in-state-oil-company-amid-fuel-shortage/9691788458926/"
    },
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    {
      "title": "Bolivia’s fuel shortages and ‘junk gasoline’ drive a surge in electric cars",
      "url": "https://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2026/may/10/bolivias-fuel-shortages-junk-gasoline-drive-surge-electric-cars/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia Ends Cheap Diesel, Lifting Prices 83% a Day After IMF Loan Vote",
      "url": "https://www.riotimesonline.com/bolivia-diesel-subsidy-removed-imf-loan-senate-2026/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Argentina Pursues Gas Export Route to Brazil via Bolivia Amid Regional Supply Concerns",
      "url": "https://pgjonline.com/news/2024/april/argentina-pursues-gas-export-route-to-brazil-via-bolivia-amid-regional-supply-concerns"
    },
    {
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      "url": "https://www.riotimesonline.com/bolivia-fuel-shortage-plates-blocked-2026/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia's Lithium Explained for 2026",
      "url": "https://www.riotimesonline.com/bolivia-lithium-explained-2026"
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    {
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      "url": "https://hiddencorners.org/journal/salar-de-uyuni-the-mirror-with-a-season.html"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia 2026 Geopolitical Risk Assessment: The Lithium That Waited",
      "url": "https://www.ces-intelligence.com/analysis/bolivia-2026-geopolitical-risk-assessment"
    },
    {
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      "url": "https://www.mining.com/bolivia-uyuni-plant-to-yield-first-lithium-by-2025-end/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia's Lithium Failure Is a Buy Signal for ASX Hard Rock Miners",
      "url": "https://discoveryalert.com/analysis/asx-lithium-producers-bolivia-hard-rock-september-2026/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia’s YLB signs lithium agreements with Russian and Chinese companies",
      "url": "https://www.mining-technology.com/news/ylb-lithium-russian-chinese/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivian court ordered the suspension of lithium contracts with Chinese and Russian companies - Fundación Andrés Bello",
      "url": "https://www.fundacionandresbello.org/en/news-and-analysis/bolivia-%f0%9f%87%a7%f0%9f%87%b4-news/bolivian-court-ordered-the-suspension-of-lithium-contracts-with-chinese-and-russian-companies/"
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    {
      "title": "Bolivian court pauses Chinese, Russian lithium deals - MINING.COM",
      "url": "https://www.mining.com/bolivian-court-pauses-chinese-russian-lithium-deals/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia’s YLB signs $1 billion lithium extraction deal - Best Magazine",
      "url": "https://www.bestmag.co.uk/bolivias-ylb-signs-1-billion-lithium-extraction-deals/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia’s YLB signs lithium deals with Russian, Chinese companies",
      "url": "https://www.pv-magazine.com/2025/01/16/bolivias-ylb-signs-lithium-deals-with-russian-chinese-companies/"
    },
    {
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      "url": "https://dialogue.earth/en/business/bolivias-lithium-plans-remain-uncertain-as-election-looms/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia’s Lithium Strategy After Elections: Nationalism or Dependence? — EPIS",
      "url": "https://epis-thinktank.com/publications/bolivias-lithium-strategy-after-elections-nationalism-or-dependence"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia’s lithium gamble tests US realignment in Latin America - MINING.COM",
      "url": "https://www.mining.com/mining-com-series-mining-power-and-a-new-us-strategy-in-latin-america/"
    },
    {
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      "url": "https://seadex.safecube.ai/en/country/bolivia"
    },
    {
      "title": "Treaty of Peace and Friendship (1904)",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Treaty_of_Peace_and_Friendship_(1904)"
    },
    {
      "title": "Mi Teleférico Cable Car, Bolivia - Inclusive Infrastructure",
      "url": "https://inclusiveinfra.gihub.org/case-studies/mi-teleferico-cable-car-bolivia/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Getting a Lift: The Impact of Aerial Cable Cars in La Paz, Bolivia",
      "url": "https://economia.lse.ac.uk/articles/10.31389/eco.439"
    },
    {
      "title": "La Paz’s cable car system — the world's longest and highest — is cutting down commute times - The World from PRX",
      "url": "https://theworld.org/stories/2025/03/10/la-pazs-cable-car-system-the-worlds-longest-and-highest-is-cutting-down-commute-times"
    },
    {
      "title": "El Alto",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/El_Alto"
    },
    {
      "title": "Mi Teleférico Cable Car",
      "url": "https://content.gihub.org/live/media/1555/mi-telef%C3%A9rico-cable-car.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Carnaval de Oruro",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Carnaval_de_Oruro"
    },
    {
      "title": "Diablada",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diablada"
    },
    {
      "title": "Morenada: Bolivia, Peru row over Andean folk dance",
      "url": "https://www.africanews.com/2021/05/19/morenada-bolivia-peru-row-over-andean-folk-dance/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Carnival in Oruro, Bolivia Behind the Scenes • Trans-Americas Journey",
      "url": "https://trans-americas.com/carnaval-de-oruro-bolivia-travel/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Oruro Carnival 2026",
      "url": "https://www.planetamericas.com/event/oruro-carnival"
    },
    {
      "title": "Carnaval de Oruro: The Essential Guide To Bolivia’s UNESCO-Listed Carnival - Travel Noire",
      "url": "https://travelnoire.com/bolivia-carnival-guide"
    },
    {
      "title": "Carnival of Oruro",
      "url": "https://anydayguide.com/festival/807-carnival-of-oruro"
    },
    {
      "title": "Capturing the Rainbow: Bolivian Textiles from Ancient to Modern Times · Essays · Threads of Time",
      "url": "https://threads-of-time.carlos.emory.edu/exhibits/show/essays/rainbow"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia: Tradition in Textiles",
      "url": "https://www.moowon.com/stories/bolivia-tradition-in-textiles"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia",
      "url": "https://wunrn.com/2012/08/bolivia-indigenous-women-restore-weaving-tradition-economy/"
    },
    {
      "title": "THE DYING ART OF THE WORLD’S MOST BEAUTIFUL WEAVING: BOLIVIA!",
      "url": "https://bolivianthoughts.com/2018/07/24/the-dying-art-of-the-worlds-most-beautiful-weaving-bolivia/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Thriving At High Altitude—The Bolivian Textiles of Andi'Art",
      "url": "https://thekindcraft.com/bolivian-textiles-andiart/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Education in Bolivia",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Education_in_Bolivia"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia - Education, Health, Welfare",
      "url": "https://www.britannica.com/place/Bolivia/Education-health-and-welfare"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia - Higher Education - University, Universities, Students, and Bolivian - StateUniversity.com",
      "url": "https://education.stateuniversity.com/pages/168/Bolivia-HIGHER-EDUCATION.html"
    },
    {
      "title": "Education System in Bolivia",
      "url": "https://www.scholaro.com/db/countries/bolivia/education-system"
    },
    {
      "title": "Universities in Bolivia",
      "url": "https://www.unirank.org/bo/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia - Virtual Education Wiki",
      "url": "http://openeducation.wiki/wiki/Bolivia"
    },
    {
      "title": "Study in Bolivia",
      "url": "https://free-apply.com/en/articles/country/3923057"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Bolivian Universal Health System and effective access to healthcare: a diagnosis",
      "url": "http://www.scielo.org.bo/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2074-47062023000100035"
    },
    {
      "title": "Health Care Law at Bolivia",
      "url": "https://www.lawgratis.com/blog-detail/health-care-law-at-bolivia"
    },
    {
      "title": "Expat Healthcare in Bolivia: System, Costs, Insurance & Essential Tips",
      "url": "https://www.jarniascyril.com/expatriation/install-in-bolivia-expat-complete-guide/expat-healthcare-bolivia/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Chronic mountain sickness, optimal hemoglobin, and heart disease - PubMed",
      "url": "https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/16764527/"
    },
    {
      "title": "High-Altitude Erythrocytosis: Mechanisms of Adaptive and Maladaptive Responses",
      "url": "https://journals.physiology.org/doi/full/10.1152/physiol.00029.2021"
    },
    {
      "title": "Redefining chronic mountain sickness: insights from high-altitude research and clinical experience - PMC",
      "url": "https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11834750/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia - Religion",
      "url": "https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/bolivia/religion.htm"
    },
    {
      "title": "Catholic Church in Bolivia",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Catholic_Church_in_Bolivia"
    },
    {
      "title": "Protestantism in Bolivia",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Protestantism_in_Bolivia"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia",
      "url": "https://www.patheos.com/library/country-profiles/south-america/bolivia"
    },
    {
      "title": "Aura of Andean gods survives in Bolivia - The Columbian",
      "url": "https://www.columbian.com/news/2018/jul/28/aura-of-andean-gods-survives-in-bolivia/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Paying homage to the 'Pachamama' central to Bolivian culture",
      "url": "https://www.taiwannews.com.tw/news/3864080"
    },
    {
      "title": "Religious Practices in Bolivia: A Guide for Expatriates",
      "url": "https://www.jarniascyril.com/expatriation/install-in-bolivia-expat-complete-guide/religious-practices-bolivia-guide-expats/"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Veneration of Pachamama in Bolivia",
      "url": "https://zoomeboshi.com/2016/11/07/the-veneration-of-pachamama-in-bolivia/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivian Traditions 2026: 12 Customs to Know",
      "url": "https://lovebolivia.com/bolivian-traditions-customs-guide/"
    },
    {
      "title": "5 Popular Religious Festivals in Bolivia - Notes on Slow Travel",
      "url": "https://notesonslowtravel.com/5-popular-religious-festivals-in-bolivia/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia - United States Department of State",
      "url": "https://www.state.gov/reports/2020-report-on-international-religious-freedom/bolivia"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivian laws threaten religious liberty",
      "url": "https://www.baptistpress.com/resource-library/news/bolivian-laws-threaten-religious-liberty/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Religion in Bolivia",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Religion_in_Bolivia"
    },
    {
      "title": "Religion in Bolivia: Faiths, Demographics & Beliefs (2025)",
      "url": "https://geographyworlds.com/blog/religion-in-bolivia/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia aiming to strengthen ties with U.S. after election of conservative president",
      "url": "https://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2026/jul/7/bolivia-aiming-strengthen-ties-us-election-conservative-president/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia revives anti-drug alliance after nearly 18-year break with US",
      "url": "https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/2/25/bolivia-revives-anti-drug-alliance-after-nearly-18-year-break-with-us"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia National Day - United States Department of State",
      "url": "https://www.state.gov/releases/office-of-the-spokesperson/2026/08/bolivia-national-day-2"
    },
    {
      "title": "U.S. Presidential Delegation to the Inauguration of Bolivian President Rodrigo Paz - U.S. Embassy in Bolivia",
      "url": "https://bo.usembassy.gov/u-s-presidential-delegation-to-the-inauguration-of-bolivian-president-rodrigo-paz/"
    },
    {
      "title": "List of ambassadors of the United States to Bolivia",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_ambassadors_of_the_United_States_to_Bolivia"
    },
    {
      "title": "Joint Statement in Support of Bolivia’s Efforts to Fight Corruption and Narco-Trafficking - United States Department of State",
      "url": "https://www.state.gov/releases/office-of-the-spokesman/2026/10/joint-statement-in-support-of-bolivias-efforts-to-fight-corruption-and-narco-trafficking/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia’s Troubled Path With China",
      "url": "https://thediplomat.com/2026/06/bolivias-troubled-path-with-china/"
    },
    {
      "title": "China asume compromiso de ampliar cooperación con Bolivia en energía, comercio e IA",
      "url": "https://spanish.news.cn/20260530/26fbd6e138d3433f83b5c934870eb08b/c.html"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia Economy 2026 — 20 Years of MAS Are Over, the Emergency Is Here",
      "url": "https://www.riotimesonline.com/bolivia-economy-elections-2026-guide/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia%E2%80%93Chile border",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bolivia%E2%80%93Chile_border"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia Chile Talks Target Oil Imports and Minerals Deal",
      "url": "https://www.riotimesonline.com/bolivia-chile-talks-oil-minerals-2026/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Chile not obliged to negotiate sea access with Bolivia: ICJ",
      "url": "https://www.aljazeera.com/amp/news/2018/10/1/chile-not-obliged-to-negotiate-sea-access-with-bolivia-icj"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia%E2%80%93Venezuela relations",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bolivia%E2%80%93Venezuela_relations"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bolivia%E2%80%93Iran relations",
      "url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bolivia%E2%80%93Iran_relations"
    }
  ],
  "license": "https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"
}