{
  "id": "affordable-housing",
  "title": "Affordable Housing",
  "lang": "en",
  "source_lang": "en",
  "summary": "Housing that households can obtain and retain without compromising essential non-housing needs.",
  "category": "economics",
  "subcategory": "macroeconomics",
  "type": "concept",
  "aliases": [],
  "generated_at": "2026-10-22",
  "model": "pro/gpt-6.1-sol",
  "url": "https://aiwiki.page/en/affordable-housing/",
  "translations": {
    "zh-Hans": {
      "url": "https://aiwiki.page/zh/affordable-housing/",
      "json": "https://aiwiki.page/zh/affordable-housing.json"
    }
  },
  "sections": [
    {
      "heading": "",
      "text": "Affordable housing is housing whose costs are compatible with a household’s resources while leaving enough income for other essential needs. The term describes both a relationship between housing costs and incomes and, in public policy, homes provided under arrangements intended to maintain affordability. It is not synonymous with public housing, social housing, or inexpensive construction: affordability depends on who occupies a dwelling, its costs, and its location and quality. (oecd.org)\n\nAccess to affordable housing connects urban planning, labor markets, poverty, and income inequality. Housing systems combine market provision with public, nonprofit, and cooperative institutions, using instruments that include construction support, rental assistance, financing, and regulation. Understanding affordability therefore requires examining its measurement, historical development, economic determinants, delivery arrangements, and relationships with social inclusion and environmental sustainability. (oecd.org)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "Meaning, Scope, and Housing Adequacy",
      "text": "Housing affordability describes the relationship between a household’s resources and the expenditure required to obtain and retain suitable accommodation; it is not an intrinsic characteristic of a building. The same dwelling can be affordable to one household and unaffordable to another, or become unaffordable following a loss of income without any change in its rent. Affordability also concerns what remains available for other necessities after housing costs are paid. The OECD’s 2021 overview therefore treats income, expenditure, housing quality, and location as connected dimensions, while noting that no internationally agreed definition or single measurement captures them all. (webfs.oecd.org)\n\nGeneral housing affordability concerns access to housing across the market, whereas designated affordable housing identifies accommodation covered by particular policies or institutional arrangements. In its policy terminology, the OECD includes both rental and owner-occupied dwellings made more affordable through supply-side or demand-side support. It distinguishes these from social housing, defined more narrowly as rental accommodation offered below market prices and allocated under specified rules, such as assessed need or waiting lists. National usage nevertheless varies: some countries do not distinguish affordable from social housing, while others reserve social housing for particularly vulnerable or very-low-income households and use affordable housing for a broader income range. (oecd.org)\n\nNeither tenure nor subsidy status alone establishes affordability. An owner-occupied home is not necessarily affordable merely because no rent is payable: the OECD identifies outright owners who cannot afford maintenance or improvements. Conversely, the broader affordability question includes whether households can secure suitable accommodation outside designated programmes. Construction cost is another distinct concept: reducing the resources needed to build a dwelling is not the same as establishing an affordable charge for its occupant. Conceptually, the former concerns production expenditure, while the latter requires comparison with household resources; the OECD’s distinction between supply-side and demand-side support reflects these different points of intervention. (webfs.oecd.org)\n\nAffordability is one component of the right to adequate housing. In General Comment No. 4, adopted in 1991, the United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights identified seven aspects of adequacy: legal security of tenure; services, materials, facilities, and infrastructure; affordability; habitability; accessibility; location; and cultural adequacy. These encompass protection against forced eviction, safe drinking water and sanitation, adequate space and physical protection, access for disadvantaged groups, proximity to employment and services, and respect for cultural identity. Under this framework, inexpensive shelter can still be inadequate—for example, if it lacks sanitation or is inaccessible to an occupant with a disability. (docstore.ohchr.org)\n\nThese international standards do not prescribe a universal rent ceiling, ownership model, or entitlement to a particular dwelling. General Comment No. 4 interprets Article 11(1) of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, distinguishing the recognition of the right from the measures used to implement it. It allows different combinations of public and private provision, while addressing national housing strategies, coordination, monitoring, and legal remedies. Domestic legislation, institutions, and judicial arrangements therefore determine the concrete operation of housing protections and assistance within each jurisdiction. (docstore.ohchr.org)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "Measuring Affordability and Unmet Need",
      "text": "An expenditure-to-income ratio measures a household’s housing costs against its income over the same period: \\(B=H/Y\\), where \\(H\\) denotes housing expenditure and \\(Y\\) household income. In the United States, spending more than 30 percent of income on housing conventionally indicates a cost burden; spending more than 50 percent indicates a severe burden. These are statistical and policy benchmarks, not universal limits on permissible expenditure. Thresholds also differ internationally: Eurostat’s housing-cost overburden indicator uses costs exceeding 40 percent of disposable income, with housing allowances deducted from both costs and income. Consequently, a reported burden rate depends on the accounting rules as well as the percentage selected. (archives.huduser.gov)\n\nThe numerator and denominator require explicit definitions. Gross income precedes deductions for taxes, whereas disposable income reflects taxes and transfers; the treatment of housing allowances must also be specified. Housing expenditure may mean rent or mortgage payments alone, or a wider total incorporating utilities, mandatory service charges, routine maintenance, repairs, property taxes, and insurance. The OECD’s housing-cost indicators distinguish narrow rent-and-mortgage measures from broader total-cost measures. Mortgage principal is particularly consequential: including repayment captures the cash required to remain current on a loan, while excluding it separates that payment from interest and other housing expenses. Comparisons between renters, mortgaged owners, and outright owners therefore depend substantially on the cost definition used. (oecd.org)\n\nFixed ratios do not establish whether the remaining income covers necessities. Under a residual-income approach, \\(R=Y_d-H\\), where \\(Y_d\\) is disposable income, is compared with a minimum non-housing budget adjusted for household composition. Michael Stone’s “shelter poverty” approach asks whether income after housing costs can support such a budget. Two households spending the same percentage may have very different amounts remaining, while a household below the conventional burden threshold may still lack sufficient resources. This approach requires decisions about essential expenditure and household needs; it can also conflate expensive housing with inadequate income or high non-housing costs. Neither residual-income nor expenditure-ratio measures alone establish housing quality. (oecd.org)\n\nPurchase-price indicators address a different question. A dwelling-price-to-annual-income ratio expresses the acquisition price as a multiple of income, rather than measuring actual payments. The OECD’s aggregate price-to-income indicator instead divides a nominal house-price index by nominal disposable income per head: it tracks relative movement, not the number of years required to purchase a particular home. Such indicators omit borrowing costs and reveal little about the distribution of access among households. (oecd.org) Mortgage-payment measures incorporate financing conditions, but borrowing capacity additionally depends on the down payment, credit history, documented income, and existing debts. A household’s ability to obtain credit is thus distinct from its ability to meet mortgage payments, taxes, insurance, utilities, and repairs over time. (consumerfinance.gov)\n\nUnmet need also requires distinguishing inexpensive dwellings from dwellings available to the relevant income group. In HUD’s rental-stock analysis, an affordable unit is “available” to a group if it is vacant or occupied by a household within that group; a low-rent dwelling occupied by a higher-income household does not count as available to poorer renters. HUD’s 2025 Report to Congress, using 2023 data, identified 93 affordable rental units per 100 very-low-income renter households, but only 59 that were both affordable and available, and 52 that were also physically adequate. “Very low income” here means no more than 50 percent of area median income. These successive restrictions measure different shortages that a count of low-rent dwellings alone would conceal. (huduser.gov)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "Historical Development of Housing Provision",
      "text": "In Vienna, municipal housing became a sustained programme of public provision during the interwar period known as “Red Vienna.” The Social Democratic administration established after the 1919 municipal election, under mayors Jakob Reumann and subsequently Karl Seitz, made housing construction a central municipal responsibility. Vienna’s status as a separate federal state from 1922 provided fiscal powers that supported this programme. In January 1923, finance councillor Hugo Breitner introduced an earmarked housing-construction tax; on 21 September, the municipal council approved the construction of 25,000 dwellings over 1924–1928. Dedicated tax revenue thus provided a financial foundation for a multiyear construction programme, rather than assistance confined to individual households. (presse.wien.gv.at)\n\nVienna’s municipal estates, or Gemeindebauten, combined dwellings with communal facilities. Large courtyard developments incorporated green space, laundries, baths, libraries, and kindergartens, making sanitation and collective services part of housing provision. The Austrian State Archives estimates that approximately 65,000 apartments and 5,000 settlement houses were built during 1923–1934. Developments such as Karl-Marx-Hof exemplified the scale of the programme, while their communal facilities distinguished them from simply providing additional rooms. The programme ended with the establishment of authoritarian rule in 1934, although the buildings remained part of the city’s housing stock. (oe99.staatsarchiv.at)\n\nIn Singapore, the Housing & Development Board (HDB) was established on 1 February 1960, replacing the Singapore Improvement Trust as the national housing authority. Its initial task was to address an acute shortage through rapid construction of basic, functional rental flats. Within three years, HDB had completed more than 21,000 flats, rehousing families from overcrowded and unsanitary accommodation into homes with modern sanitation. This early programme established a centralized public developer capable of building housing at a scale substantially larger than individual household construction. (hdb.gov.sg)\n\nHDB introduced the Home Ownership for the People Scheme in 1964, enabling lower-income Singaporeans to purchase publicly developed flats at below-market prices. Public provision therefore expanded beyond rental accommodation to subsidized ownership. The first balloting of ownership flats took place in Queenstown that year. A further institutional change followed in 1968, when amendments governing the Central Provident Fund allowed buyers to use their compulsory savings for housing down payments and monthly loan instalments. Public construction and access to accumulated household savings consequently became connected components of the ownership programme. (hdb.gov.sg)\n\nIn the United States, an important historical development concerned the relationship between public-housing rents and tenant income. Senator Edward Brooke sponsored the 1969 Brooke Amendment following rent increases and complaints about public-housing services. It capped public-housing rent at 25 percent of a resident’s income. The amendment established an income-related limit within a particular public programme: it was not a general restriction on private-market rents or a finding that every household could afford the same expenditure share. (archives.huduser.gov)\n\nCongress raised the public-housing rent ceiling to 30 percent in 1981. The expenditure share subsequently became a broader administrative and statistical benchmark: the Department of Housing and Urban Development classified families spending more than 30 percent of income on housing as cost-burdened. This history distinguishes two uses of the percentage—setting tenant contributions in subsidized housing and identifying housing-cost burdens across households. The broader benchmark developed from programme rules rather than from a universal calculation of the income households require after paying for shelter. (archives.huduser.gov)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "Economic and Demographic Determinants",
      "text": "Housing demand depends on the number and composition of households, not simply on population totals. Population growth and migration increase the number of people seeking accommodation, while household formation determines how many separate dwellings they require. Smaller households can therefore increase dwelling demand even without population growth. As a hypothetical illustration, a population of 300,000 divided into households averaging three people requires 100,000 occupied dwellings; at 2.5 people per household, it requires 120,000. Population ageing and changing family structures also alter demand for dwelling sizes and types. The OECD’s 2021 report Brick by Brick noted that smaller households had not been accompanied by a corresponding reduction in housing space: average floor area per person had increased over the preceding decade. (oecd.org)\n\nEmployment and income make this demand geographically uneven. Job-rich metropolitan areas attract workers, but housing elsewhere cannot directly substitute for homes within practical commuting distance. Demand can consequently remain strong in an employment centre despite vacancies in less accessible locations. Income distribution also matters: growth in aggregate disposable income does not establish that lower-income households can afford prevailing rents or purchase payments. Higher-income households have greater purchasing power in competition for accessible locations, while lower-paid workers may face rising housing costs without equivalent earnings growth. The OECD identified insufficient supply in job-rich urban areas as a central source of affordability pressures in 2021, with disadvantaged groups particularly affected near employment opportunities. (oecd.org)\n\nOn the supply side, land scarcity concerns developable, accessible sites rather than a country’s total land area. Geographical obstacles and inherited urban form restrict possible construction locations; infrastructure and transport connections influence which sites can accommodate households while retaining access to jobs. Materials, labour and construction requirements affect the cost of adding dwellings. Planning and building take time, making the existing stock relatively fixed in the short run: a sudden increase in demand can raise prices and rents before additional homes become available. Over longer periods, construction can expand the stock, but its responsiveness differs substantially between markets. The price elasticity of housing supply describes how strongly supply increases in response to higher prices; where responsiveness is low, more of a demand increase is reflected in prices rather than additional dwellings. (oecd.org)\n\nInterest rates affect affordability through financing costs as well as demand. For a given loan principal and repayment term, a higher rate increases the payment required on a new amortizing mortgage. Lower rates reduce that payment, but may also increase buyers’ borrowing capacity and bids, partly offsetting the initial benefit through higher prices. Credit conditions independently influence access: lenders’ underwriting standards determine which households can borrow and on what terms. Consequently, house prices alone cannot establish purchase affordability. The OECD’s overview of affordability indicators explicitly identifies the exclusion of borrowing costs as a limitation of house-price-to-income ratios. (oecd.org)\n\nFinancing conditions also affect construction and the availability of existing homes. In its March 1, 2024 Monetary Policy Report, the United States Federal Reserve reported that higher interest rates and tighter bank underwriting had increased builders’ financing costs and discouraged new construction. Existing fixed-rate borrowers face a different mechanism: selling and purchasing another home can require replacing a low-rate mortgage with a more expensive loan, reducing their incentive to move. The Federal Reserve’s July 2024 report noted that most outstanding US mortgages carried rates below 4 percent following purchases and refinancing in 2020–2021. Thus, higher rates can restrain purchasing demand while simultaneously constraining new construction and resale supply. (federalreserve.gov)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "Tenure, Providers, and Delivery Models",
      "text": "Housing tenure describes a household’s rights to occupy its home, rather than simply identifying who constructed, financed, or manages the building. Owner-occupiers own their dwelling outright or subject to a mortgage; market renters occupy under a rental agreement without acquiring ownership through their rent payments. Social renters also hold rental rights, but the OECD defines social rental housing as accommodation provided below market prices and allocated through specified rules rather than market mechanisms. Subsidized ownership, by contrast, supports the acquisition of ownership through arrangements such as discounted sales or assisted purchases. These categories do not map directly onto public and private ownership: a privately owned dwelling can provide social rental accommodation, while municipal ownership does not necessarily imply a subsidized rent. OECD statistics, for example, exclude Sweden’s municipal rental sector from social rental housing because its rents do not meet that indicator’s below-market criterion. (oecd.org)\n\nProviders combine development, asset ownership, and ongoing management in different ways. Municipal agencies may own and manage housing directly; nonprofit and limited-profit housing associations provide housing under organizational or statutory constraints; cooperatives organize provision around membership; and private developers can build or operate housing subject to affordability conditions. Construction and continuing management need not be undertaken by the same organization. Another arrangement uses existing privately owned homes: rental-intermediation schemes bring properties into affordable provision through a public or nonprofit intermediary, without necessarily transferring their ownership. The institutional distinction is therefore between the resident’s tenure, the asset owner, and the organization responsible for letting, maintenance, and management. (oecd.org)\n\nVienna illustrates the difference between municipal and cooperative provision. The city’s housing information identifies approximately 220,000 city-owned flats and 200,000 cooperative flats. Municipal flats belong entirely to the City of Vienna and are managed and renovated by Wiener Wohnen, its municipal housing enterprise. Cooperative flats are built with provincial subsidies and managed by the respective nonprofit cooperative housing association, rather than belonging to the municipality. Occupants must join the association and commonly make an initial financing contribution, which is refunded when the tenancy ends after depreciation of one percent per year. Cooperative membership here accompanies a rental arrangement; it should not be equated automatically with individual ownership of the flat. In other countries, cooperative shares confer occupancy rights and may be classified statistically with owner-occupation. (wien.gv.at)\n\nSubsidized ownership can also divide the economic interest in a dwelling between a household and a provider. In England’s Shared Ownership scheme, purchasers acquire a share of the property’s value and pay rent on the provider’s remaining share. Initial purchases generally range from 25 to 75 percent, with 10-percent shares available for some homes. Purchasing additional shares, known as “staircasing,” reduces the rented proportion. This part-buy, part-rent arrangement differs from resale-restricted shared-equity homeownership, where the central mechanism is to limit the price or appreciation retained at resale so that assistance benefits subsequent purchasers as well as the first household. A reduced initial purchase price alone does not establish such continuing protection. (gov.uk)\n\nA community land trust preserves affordability by separating ownership of land from ownership of the home. In the model described by the United States Department of Housing and Urban Development in 2001, a usually nonprofit trust retains the land and grants the homeowner a long-term ground lease, commonly for 99 years. Lease provisions generally require owner-occupation and restrict resale to another eligible low-income purchaser. Resale formulas determine how much appreciation the departing owner retains: Champlain Housing Trust in Vermont allows sellers to receive 25 percent of the home’s appreciation. Related deed-restricted models place price limits directly on the property rather than relying on separate land ownership. These arrangements constrain the seller’s return while retaining part of the property’s value advantage for the next purchaser; the precise protection depends on the resale formula and the continuing restrictions. (archives.hud.gov)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "Subsidies and Housing Finance",
      "text": "Supply-side assistance reduces the cost of providing housing through land contributions, capital grants, concessional loans, or tax incentives. A discounted public-land transfer lowers acquisition expenditure; a grant supplies capital without requiring repayment; and a concessional loan reduces debt-service costs through a below-market interest rate or other favorable terms. Demand-side assistance instead supports the purchasing power of the household, through rental allowances, vouchers, down-payment grants, or subsidized home-purchase loans. The distinction concerns the recipient and financing mechanism, not simply whether public money ultimately reaches a landlord or developer. In the United States’ Housing Choice Voucher program, for example, the public housing agency pays its share of the rent directly to the landlord, while the tenant pays the difference. (oecd.org)\n\nTax incentives can convert future public revenue forgone into development capital. The United States’ Low-Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC), established by the Tax Reform Act of 1986, attracts investors who contribute equity to qualifying rental developments in exchange for federal income-tax benefits. Credits are generally claimed over ten years, whereas the equity contribution helps finance acquisition, construction, or rehabilitation. This mechanism reduces the amount that must be financed through repayable debt; it is not a recurring payment covering each tenant’s individual rent shortfall. Affordable-housing developments can consequently combine tax-credit equity with loans, grants, and rental assistance rather than relying on a single subsidy instrument. (huduser.gov)\n\nDevelopment finance must connect expenditure before occupancy with the income or public support available afterward. Construction financing and investor equity meet development costs, while long-term borrowing spreads repayment across the asset’s operating life. Public support can also underpin borrowing: HUD’s Capital Fund Financing Program permits approved public housing agencies to pledge part of their future annual capital grants to service private-market debt. Capital assistance remains distinct from continuing operating support. HUD’s Capital Fund supports development and modernization, whereas its Operating Fund helps meet operating and maintenance expenses. A completed building therefore still requires a financing arrangement for management, repairs, utilities, and other recurring obligations; an initial construction award does not itself establish that these expenses are covered. (huduser.gov)\n\nGuarantees and insurance allocate credit risk between lenders and public or specialized institutions without necessarily supplying the loan principal. A guarantee compensates a lender under specified default conditions, potentially enabling lending to borrowers whom the lender would otherwise exclude. The allocation depends on the coverage percentage, loss-sharing structure, premiums, and claims rules. A January 2022 World Bank report described a Pakistan housing-finance project with an US$80 million mortgage-guarantee component: its guarantee covered 40–50 percent of the loan amount on a first-loss basis, targeting, among others, applicants with informal incomes. Such arrangements transfer a defined portion of potential losses rather than eliminating default risk or replacing borrowers’ repayment obligations. (documents1.worldbank.org)\n\nFinance for staged construction differs from a conventional mortgage used to purchase or build a completed dwelling. In The Case for Incremental Housing, reprinted in November 2012, Patrick Wakely and Elizabeth Riley describe relatively small, short-term loans responsive to intermittent household resources and changing priorities. Sequential loans can finance foundations and a floor slab, then structural walls, and finally a roof, with completion of one stage qualifying the borrower for the next. Their report also describes alternatives to cash lending, including bulk-purchased building materials supplied to authorized builders at or below cost. These arrangements finance successive improvements rather than requiring the household to borrow the full cost of a finished home at the outset. (documents1.worldbank.org)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "Land, Planning, and the Housing Stock",
      "text": "Zoning determines where residential development is permitted, while density controls determine how intensively a site can be used. Height limits, floor-area ratios and minimum lot sizes constrain different dimensions of development: a floor-area ratio limits total floor space relative to site area, whereas a minimum lot size limits subdivision into smaller residential plots. These rules influence both the number and types of dwellings that can occupy well-located land. Permission in a plan is also distinct from approval to build. Documentation requirements, administrative reviews and appeals can delay construction even where residential use is permitted, increasing uncertainty and development costs. (oecd.org)\n\nPublic land development gives authorities a separate means of influencing housing locations and project specifications. Rather than relying exclusively on privately assembled sites, a public agency can acquire land in advance, prepare it for development and allocate it under conditions attached to particular projects. In Vienna, wohnfonds_wien provides land for subsidised housing and coordinates developers and municipal departments. Its developer competitions assess proposals against economic, ecological, architectural and social-sustainability criteria; projects on the fund’s land are therefore selected through a quality-based process rather than solely through competition over the land price. This connects land allocation to the characteristics of the housing subsequently built. (oecd.org)\n\nSites-and-services schemes distinguish the provision of developable plots from the delivery of completed dwellings. Land is subdivided and supplied with basic services, while households undertake subsequent construction. Between 1977 and 1997, the World Bank supported such projects in 27 Indian cities. The smallest plots in the Chennai and Mumbai projects measured 33 and 21 square metres respectively, compared with approximately 150–200 square metres in other developments in those cities. Smaller plots and more space-efficient layouts reduced the land and infrastructure cost per household. These outputs nevertheless require careful description: a serviced plot creates capacity for housing, but is not necessarily an immediately habitable additional dwelling. (blogs.worldbank.org)\n\nRehabilitation and preservation address the existing stock rather than only new construction. Repairing an occupied dwelling improves its condition without increasing the dwelling count; replacing demolished homes produces a net addition only to the extent that completed units exceed those removed. Preserving affordability is also distinct from preserving a building’s physical structure. In the United States, the Rental Assistance Demonstration, authorised in 2012, converts eligible housing assistance into long-term, project-based Section 8 contracts. These contracts support investment in rehabilitation or replacement, while renewable use restrictions maintain the properties’ affordability. The mechanism illustrates how an existing housing asset can be retained or renewed without treating every assisted unit as newly added supply. (hud.gov)\n\nCoordination matters because housing demand, employment and infrastructure networks extend across municipal boundaries. A municipality controls only part of a metropolitan area, while transport connections and utility capacity affect which permitted sites can actually accommodate development. The OECD’s 2021 Brick by Brick report identifies fragmented responsibilities as an obstacle to matching housing supply with metropolitan needs. France’s Territorial Coherence Plans, established under the 2000 Solidarity and Urban Renewal law, provide an example of intermunicipal coordination: they link housing, urban planning and transportation strategies over areas associated with local labour markets, rather than treating each municipality’s housing locations independently. (oecd.org)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "Eligibility, Allocation, and Rental Administration",
      "text": "Eligibility rules determine which households may apply for designated affordable housing; allocation rules determine which eligible applicants receive the limited dwellings or assistance available. Income ceilings may vary with household size and location rather than impose a single national cash threshold. In the United States, HUD’s public-housing guidance identifies low-income and very-low-income limits generally corresponding to 80% and 50% of area median income, with published limits differentiated by family size. Consequently, the same household income may qualify in one housing authority’s jurisdiction but not another. Admission also involves verification and screening: meeting an income ceiling alone does not establish a right to an immediate housing offer. (hud.gov)\n\nWaiting lists organize eligible demand, but allocation need not follow application date alone. Providers may combine waiting time with assessed urgency, household composition, and current housing conditions. The OECD’s compilation based on its 2023 Questionnaire on Social and Affordable Housing reported waiting time as a priority criterion in 12 countries and priority for people with disabilities in 21. Its country examples include municipal priority allocations in Austria and priority for victims of domestic violence in France and Malta. These preferences can move applicants ahead of others without enlarging the available stock; registration, priority status, and receipt of a tenancy therefore remain separate administrative stages. (webfs.oecd.org)\n\nRent-setting systems differ in what they take as their starting point. Income-related rents link payments to household resources: US Housing Choice Voucher participants generally contribute 30% of adjusted monthly income toward rent and utilities, although choosing a dwelling above the housing authority’s payment standard can increase that contribution. Assistance therefore varies with both household circumstances and the approved housing cost. Cost-based rents instead seek long-term recovery of building or acquisition costs; the OECD identifies this approach in countries including Austria, Denmark, and Finland. Such rents do not automatically adjust to each tenant’s income, so household affordability can also depend on separate assistance. Market-linked discounted rents use comparable private rents as their reference. England’s “Affordable Rent,” introduced in 2011, permits charges of up to 80% of market rent, including service charges. Its discount is relative to the market, not a guarantee of a particular rent-to-income ratio. Countries frequently combine these methods rather than operate a single uniform formula. (hud.gov)\n\nRegulating the initial rent is distinct from regulating subsequent increases. England’s policy statement effective from 1 April 2026, for example, generally limits annual increases in existing Social Rent tenancies during 2026–27 to the previous September’s Consumer Prices Index increase plus one percentage point, subject to specified conditions. Lease security is another dimension: a secure council tenancy normally allows continued occupation indefinitely while its conditions are observed, whereas a flexible council tenancy is fixed-term, usually for at least five years and sometimes between two and five. A council declining to renew a flexible tenancy must explain its reasons and allow the tenant to challenge the decision. Neither a discounted rent nor an income-based charge, by itself, specifies these occupancy protections. (gov.uk)\n\nMaintenance obligations and eviction procedures govern different aspects of the landlord–tenant relationship. Government guidance for England assigns landlords responsibility for repairs to the structure, sanitary fittings, heating, and hot-water systems; inspection or repair visits normally require at least 24 hours’ notice, except where emergency access is justified. Possession proceedings have a separate sequence. Guidance for social tenants distinguishes notice, a court claim, a hearing where applicable, a possession order, and enforcement through a warrant and bailiffs. A landlord’s notice is therefore not itself a completed eviction, and the applicable grounds and procedural protections depend on the tenancy concerned. (gov.uk)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "Household Welfare and Spatial Inclusion",
      "text": "Housing expenditure affects welfare through the resources remaining for other necessities. Rent, mortgage payments, and utilities compete with food, clothing, transportation, childcare, and medical expenses; the consequences depend on income and household needs, not simply the percentage spent on housing. In its 2014 discussion of affordability, the United States Department of Housing and Urban Development highlighted Michael Stone’s concept of shelter poverty: housing costs can leave insufficient resources for essential non-housing consumption. A household with children may therefore experience greater hardship than a single adult with the same income and housing-cost ratio. Financial burden is also distinct from physical housing deprivation: reducing expenditure by accepting substandard accommodation can lower a measured cost burden without improving living conditions. (archives.huduser.gov)\n\nLocation connects housing expenditure to access to opportunities. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and UN-Habitat’s The Right to Adequate Housing identifies access to employment, healthcare, schools, childcare, and other social facilities as an element of housing adequacy. A low rent does not establish adequacy where residents are cut off from these facilities. Lower housing payments may also be offset by higher transport expenditure or longer journeys to work. Consequently, access to public transport and the geographical relationship between homes, jobs, and services affect what a household can obtain from its remaining resources; these relationships cannot be inferred from rent alone. (ohchr.org)\n\nResidential segregation concentrates households with shared income, racial, or ethnic characteristics in particular areas. Its welfare implications are especially significant where concentrated disadvantage coincides with weak access to employment and services. Evidence from the United States’ Moving to Opportunity experiment demonstrates that neighbourhood exposure can affect later outcomes. In a study published in 2016, Raj Chetty, Nathaniel Hendren, and Lawrence Katz examined families randomly offered vouchers to leave high-poverty housing projects. Their estimated effect for children whose families used an experimental voucher to move before the child turned 13 was an increase of $3,477, or 31 percent, in annual income in their mid-twenties relative to the control-group mean. This was an estimate for a particular programme and age group, rather than evidence that every residential move produces comparable gains. (oecd.org)\n\nResidential mobility can improve access to the labour market, but the ability to move is uneven. The OECD’s 2021 Brick by Brick identifies widening geographical differences in housing costs as a constraint on lower-income households seeking jobs in expensive areas. Assistance tied to a particular social dwelling may also be less portable than a housing allowance. Conversely, frequent or involuntary moves can disrupt neighbourhood relationships and children’s schooling. Mobility therefore encompasses both access to alternative locations and continuity of residence; a high moving rate alone does not establish greater inclusion. (oecd.org)\n\nPeople with disabilities can face overlapping affordability and accessibility barriers. The OECD’s 2021 report Crisis on the Horizon documents shortages of accessible housing alongside financial and informational obstacles, meaning that an inexpensive dwelling is not necessarily a usable housing option. For households experiencing homelessness, the immediate issue is obtaining stable accommodation rather than reducing expenditure within an existing tenancy. The OECD’s 2024 homelessness toolkit distinguishes emergency accommodation from long-term housing and describes housing-led and Housing First approaches. These provide immediate access to long-term housing without prerequisites concerning employment, substance use, or participation in treatment programmes, while differentiating support according to the intensity of residents’ service needs. (oecd.org)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "Design, Operating Costs, and Environmental Sustainability",
      "text": "A low purchase price or rent does not establish that a dwelling meets acceptable quality standards. The United Nations’ housing-adequacy framework distinguishes affordability from habitability, access to services, and accessibility: housing must provide sufficient space, safe drinking water, sanitation, and protection against cold, damp, heat, and structural hazards. Accessibility also concerns whether people with disabilities can use the dwelling, rather than simply whether they can pay for it. These criteria establish dimensions of adequacy, not a universal floor-area specification; detailed design requirements are implemented through national and local standards. Reducing space or omitting essential facilities can therefore lower the advertised price without producing adequate housing. (ohchr.org)\n\nThe building envelope—including walls, roof, windows, and foundations—controls much of the heat exchange between indoors and outdoors. Insulation limits heat transfer, while air sealing reduces uncontrolled leakage; shading and suitable ventilation can reduce cooling demand. These measures interact rather than functioning as interchangeable additions. In its 2021 Consumer Guide to Air Sealing the Home, the United States Department of Energy explains that airtightness must be paired with ventilation: insufficient fresh-air provision can allow moisture and combustion gases to accumulate. Energy-efficient design thus involves coordinated thermal, moisture, and ventilation performance, not simply a tighter structure or more insulation. (betterbuildingssolutioncenter.energy.gov)\n\nWhole-life affordability separates initial construction or retrofit expenditure from subsequent energy bills, maintenance, repairs, and equipment replacement. A more expensive building specification may reduce operating expenditure, but the household’s cash flow also depends on who finances the improvement and how costs enter rent, loan repayments, or service charges. The OECD’s 2021 Brick by Brick report identifies construction and maintenance costs as channels through which environmental requirements affect housing prices. A concrete operating-cost example is the United States Weatherization Assistance Program, established in 1976. Its August 2023 fact sheet reported average annual household energy savings of $372, expressed in 2022 dollars. Its whole-house approach combines an energy audit with measures such as insulation, air sealing, heating-system improvements, and ventilation, rather than treating a single component as sufficient. (oecd.org)\n\nBuilding-energy standards and retrofits also connect affordability to greenhouse-gas reduction. Standards influence the performance of new construction, whereas renovation addresses dwellings already in use; the OECD reported in 2023 that new construction represented less than 1.5% of the building stock in its member countries. Nevertheless, engineering estimates of reduced energy demand are not identical to observed expenditure savings. Occupants may use part of an efficiency gain to obtain warmer indoor temperatures, a rebound effect discussed in the OECD’s 2023 housing report. This can improve comfort while reducing the energy savings relative to a calculation assuming unchanged temperatures. Emissions outcomes also depend on the carbon intensity of the energy supplied, not just the quantity consumed. (oecd.org)\n\nRental housing introduces split incentives when landlords bear renovation costs but tenants receive the utility-bill savings. Allowing cost recovery can encourage investment, yet a rent increase can offset an occupant’s lower energy bill. Affordability protections therefore concern the distribution of costs and benefits as well as technical performance. For example, the 2025 edition of United States federal weatherization regulations, 10 CFR 440.22, required benefits in assisted rental properties to accrue primarily to low-income tenants. For a reasonable period after the work, rent increases had to be demonstrably attributable to matters other than weatherization; states were also required to provide complaint procedures. The rule permitted contractual restrictions or liens to address eviction or property sale, illustrating how renovation assistance can incorporate continued-occupancy protections. (oecd.org)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "Informal and Incremental Housing",
      "text": "Incremental housing is produced through successive additions and improvements rather than delivered as a completed dwelling. Households may begin with a basic shelter or serviced core, then add rooms, replace materials, or construct another storey as resources permit. “Self-built” therefore describes household-directed production, not necessarily construction undertaken entirely by occupants. Incrementality and informality are distinct: the former concerns the building process, while the latter concerns recognition under land, planning, and building systems. Informal settlements encompass squatting and informal rental arrangements, service deficits, and non-compliance with regulations; informal tenure does not identify a single building material or architectural form. (documents1.worldbank.org)\n\nFor households excluded from conventional housing finance, construction stages also divide expenditure into smaller commitments. The World Bank’s 2015 Supporting Incremental and Affordable Housing toolkit distinguishes long-term loans for complete dwellings from the small, short-term financing used for incremental improvements. Households with uncertain incomes may combine savings with loans from relatives, employers, savings groups, or specialist lenders. Exclusion can reflect documentation requirements as well as insufficient income: a World Bank account of women’s housing finance in Africa identifies informal employment, irregular earnings, and missing income documentation as barriers to formal credit. Smaller loans change the timing and scale of expenditure; they do not remove repayment obligations or the need to finance subsequent construction. (collaboration.worldbank.org)\n\nSites-and-services schemes provide plots and basic infrastructure rather than finished houses. Public agencies can assemble land and supply trunk networks, while residents organize dwelling construction. Infrastructure may also be upgraded in stages, although basic services are required from initial occupation. Technical assistance supplies planning and building guidance alongside land and finance. In Guacamayas, Bogotá, the Caja de Vivienda Popular began a project in 1976 with core service units and one room per plot. Within a year, some households had added second floors; documentation from 2009 recorded continuing extensions and improvements. This example illustrates a development process extending over decades rather than a single construction contract. (documents1.worldbank.org)\n\nSettlement upgrading instead intervenes in an existing neighbourhood, improving such facilities as water supply, sanitation, drainage, electricity, and access routes. Its physical works are distinct from resolving residents’ legal claims. Participatory enumeration—documenting residents and their occupancy with community involvement—is one mechanism used to support tenure regularization. Documentation must nevertheless be distinguished from an enforceable right to remain: recording occupancy, recognizing a lease, and granting ownership are different administrative and legal acts. A new water connection or paved street does not itself establish any of them. (documents1.worldbank.org)\n\nContinued occupancy also has an affordability dimension separate from physical improvement. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights distinguishes access to services, affordability, and security of tenure as separate requirements of adequate housing. Its framework requires protection against forced eviction, harassment, and other threats; protection is not confined to owner-occupiers. Thus an upgrading project can improve sanitation or structural conditions without, by those works alone, securing residents’ position. Land-access arrangements and tenure documentation determine who can occupy the improved property, while housing and service charges determine whether that occupancy remains financially accessible. These questions apply to tenants as well as households constructing their own homes. (ohchr.org)"
    },
    {
      "heading": "Evidence, Monitoring, and Policy Evaluation",
      "text": "Housing monitoring combines sources that measure different objects. A population census establishes dwelling counts, occupancy and tenure; household surveys connect housing expenditure and conditions to occupants’ resources. The United States’ American Housing Survey follows sampled housing units rather than the same families, allowing changes in dwelling quality and cost to be observed across successive occupants. Administrative records document subsidized properties and beneficiaries: following the Housing and Economic Recovery Act of 2008, state housing agencies were required to report information on Low-Income Housing Tax Credit tenants to HUD. Price series supply another perspective: OECD indicators distinguish nominal house prices, inflation-adjusted prices, rents and price-to-income ratios, rather than treating them as interchangeable affordability measures. (www2.census.gov)\n\nComparability depends on definitions, coverage and observation dates. The OECD’s April 2024 housing-cost indicator distinguishes rent and mortgage payments from a broader measure including utilities, maintenance, taxes and compulsory charges. Its reference income measure is disposable income, including transfers and excluding taxes, although country-specific exceptions require attention. Tenure comparisons likewise require separating outright owners from mortgagors and subsidized from other tenants. Survey estimates for housed households cannot alone describe people outside that sampling frame. Publication dates also differ from reference years: HUD’s Worst Case Housing Needs: 2023 Report to Congress reported 8.53 million affected renter households using 2021 data. Tables combining different national reference years therefore do not constitute a synchronized international snapshot. (oecd.org)\n\nImplementation monitoring distinguishes announced projects, completed dwellings, net additions and preserved homes. Rehabilitation can improve or retain existing housing without adding dwellings; replacement construction must be assessed against units removed. Duration also matters: a dwelling subject to restrictions for several decades is not equivalent to one whose restrictions soon expire. HUD describes the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit framework as generally requiring at least 30 years of income and rent restrictions, while allowing earlier exit under specified circumstances. Its production-and-preservation analysis consequently treats retaining existing affordable stock separately from creating new housing. An evaluation must establish both how many qualifying homes enter service and how many remain affordable during the observation period. (huduser.gov)\n\nBeneficiary reach requires evidence about occupants, not simply subsidized buildings. HUD’s tax-credit tenant reporting includes income, household composition, rent and receipt of additional rental assistance, enabling analysis of whom the programme serves. Household outcomes include cost burdens and dwelling adequacy; fiscal outcomes include public expenditure rather than construction totals alone. These dimensions can diverge. The OECD’s 2021 Brick by Brick identifies planning constraints on supply, risks that poorly designed assistance impedes mobility or reinforces segregation, and tensions between environmental improvements and housing costs. Evaluation therefore distinguishes quantity, quality, spatial inclusion and sustainability, instead of interpreting a lower construction cost or a larger unit count as sufficient evidence of success. (huduser.gov)\n\nDescriptive comparisons establish differences, but causal inference asks what would have happened without an intervention. Recipients and nonrecipients may differ before assistance, while employment, incomes and market rents can change independently of a programme. HUD’s Moving to Opportunity demonstration addressed selection through random assignment between 1994 and 1998 to a restricted-location voucher offer, an unrestricted voucher offer or a control group receiving no voucher through the demonstration. Its 2011 evaluation found no apparent impact on adult employment or earnings 12–15 years later. That result concerns a particular intervention, population and follow-up period; it does not establish a general ranking of housing assistance models. (huduser.gov)"
    }
  ],
  "links": [
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    "urban-planning",
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  ],
  "sources": [
    {
      "title": "HC1.5. Overview of Affordable Housing Indicators",
      "url": "https://webfs.oecd.org/els-com/Affordable_Housing_Database/HC1-5-Overview-of-affordable-housing-indicators.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Compilation of General Comments and General Recommendations Adopted by Human Rights Treaty Bodies: General Comment No. 4",
      "url": "https://docstore.ohchr.org/SelfServices/FilesHandler.ashx?enc=NDHbUvPo0H0e6ReM%2BeoASfvbY3aH6JttLpsRvkmL87wD80W4xnAiRpmKA6ZLwTp9xzCLNUYwTBP35uH1Fw6yqQ%3D%3D"
    },
    {
      "title": "HC1.5. Overview of Affordable Housing Indicators",
      "url": "https://www.oecd.org/els/family/HC1-5%20Overview%20of%20affordable%20housing%20indicators.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "HC1.2. Housing Costs over Income",
      "url": "https://www.oecd.org/els/family/HC1-2-Housing-costs-over-income.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Ready to buy a home?",
      "url": "https://www.consumerfinance.gov/consumer-tools/mortgages/ready-to-buy-a-home/"
    },
    {
      "title": "The lender must determine your “ability to repay.”",
      "url": "https://files.consumerfinance.gov/f/201401_cfpb_mortgages_consumer-summary-new-mortgage.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Your home loan toolkit",
      "url": "https://files.consumerfinance.gov/f/201505_cfpb_your-home-loan-toolkit-print-large.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bald ein Jahrhundert: Zum 90. Jubiläum von Wiens sozialem Wohnbau",
      "url": "https://presse.wien.gv.at/2013/09/21/bald-ein-jahrhundert-zum-90-jubilaeum-von-wiens-sozialem-wohnbau"
    },
    {
      "title": "Experiment Wien",
      "url": "https://oe99.staatsarchiv.at/20-jh/experiment-wien/index.html"
    },
    {
      "title": "About Us",
      "url": "https://www.hdb.gov.sg/about-us"
    },
    {
      "title": "Our History",
      "url": "https://www.hdb.gov.sg/about-us/our-story/our-history"
    },
    {
      "title": "60 Years of the Home Ownership for the People Scheme: Key Milestones",
      "url": "https://www.hdb.gov.sg/-/media/hdb-pulse/reports/annual-reports-and-financial-statements/HDB-AR-FY23.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "HC1.5 Overview of affordable housing indicators",
      "url": "https://www.oecd.org/content/dam/oecd/en/data/datasets/affordable-housing-database/hc1-5%20overview%20of%20affordable%20housing%20indicators.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Monetary Policy Report, March 1, 2024",
      "url": "https://www.federalreserve.gov/publications/files/20240301_mprfullreport.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Monetary Policy Report, July 2024: Part 1",
      "url": "https://www.federalreserve.gov/monetarypolicy/2024-07-mpr-part1.htm"
    },
    {
      "title": "Housing tenures — OECD Affordable Housing Database",
      "url": "https://www.oecd.org/content/dam/oecd/en/data/datasets/affordable-housing-database/hm1-3-housing-tenures.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Social rental housing stock — OECD Affordable Housing Database",
      "url": "https://www.oecd.org/els/family/ph4-2-social-rental-housing-stock.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Flat types — privately owned flats, subsidised and city-owned flats — City of Vienna",
      "url": "https://www.wien.gv.at/en/housing/flat-types"
    },
    {
      "title": "Shared ownership homes: buying, improving and selling",
      "url": "https://www.gov.uk/shared-ownership-scheme"
    },
    {
      "title": "HUD Archives: HOMEfires — Vol. 3 No. 9, October 2001",
      "url": "https://archives.hud.gov/pubs/homefires/vol3no9.cfm"
    },
    {
      "title": "Shared Equity Program — Champlain Housing Trust",
      "url": "https://www.getahome.org/homes/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Resale Formulas Used in Shared Equity Programs — National Housing Conference",
      "url": "https://nhc.org/policy-guide/shared-equity-homeownership-the-basics/resale-formulas-used-in-shared-equity-programs/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Policies to promote access to good-quality affordable housing in OECD countries",
      "url": "https://www.oecd.org/content/dam/oecd/en/publications/reports/2016/02/policies-to-promote-access-to-good-quality-affordable-housing-in-oecd-countries_g17a2771/5jm3p5gl4djd-en.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Section 8 housing",
      "url": "https://www.usa.gov/housing-voucher-section-8"
    },
    {
      "title": "Programs of HUD",
      "url": "https://www.hud.gov/hudprograms/"
    },
    {
      "title": "Public Housing Programs",
      "url": "https://www.hud.gov/helping-americans/public-housing-programs"
    },
    {
      "title": "Housing Finance: How DFIs Can Leverage Private Sector Long-term Funding for Affordable Housing",
      "url": "https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/099200106282235291/pdf/P175518042548402084910c362b33089ca.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Case for Incremental Housing",
      "url": "https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/233581468182945449/pdf/NonAsciiFileName0.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Brick by Brick",
      "url": "https://www.oecd.org/content/dam/oecd/en/publications/reports/2021/05/brick-by-brick_eb010639/b453b043-en.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "wohnfonds_wien - english information 2",
      "url": "https://www.wohnfonds.wien.at/english_information"
    },
    {
      "title": "Developers Competitions - Socialhousing",
      "url": "https://socialhousing.wien/tools/developers-competitions"
    },
    {
      "title": "Success when we deemed it failure? Revisiting sites and services 20 years later",
      "url": "https://blogs.worldbank.org/en/sustainablecities/success-when-we-deemed-it-failure-revisiting-sites-and-services-20-years-later"
    },
    {
      "title": "About RAD Public Housing",
      "url": "https://www.hud.gov/hud-partners/rad-program-details"
    },
    {
      "title": "PH4.3 Characteristics of Social Rental Housing",
      "url": "https://webfs.oecd.org/els-com/Affordable_Housing_Database/PH4-3-Characteristics-of-social-rental-housing.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Policy statement on rents for social housing",
      "url": "https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/direction-on-the-rent-standard-2026/policy-statement-on-rents-for-social-housing"
    },
    {
      "title": "Council housing: Types of tenancy",
      "url": "https://www.gov.uk/council-housing/types-of-tenancy"
    },
    {
      "title": "Renting out your property: Making repairs",
      "url": "https://www.gov.uk/renting-out-a-property/making-repairs"
    },
    {
      "title": "Understanding the possession action process: A guide for social rented tenants in England",
      "url": "https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/possession-guidance-for-tenants-in-social-housing/understanding-the-possession-action-process-a-guide-for-social-rented-tenants-in-england-and-wales"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Right to Adequate Housing",
      "url": "https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Publications/FS21_rev_1_Housing_en.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "The Effects of Exposure to Better Neighborhoods on Children: New Evidence from the Moving to Opportunity Project",
      "url": "https://hendren.scholars.harvard.edu/publications/effects-exposure-better-neighborhoods-children-new-evidence-moving-opportunity"
    },
    {
      "title": "OECD Toolkit to Combat Homelessness",
      "url": "https://www.oecd.org/content/dam/oecd/en/publications/reports/2024/12/oecd-toolkit-to-combat-homelessness_ac743295/0fec780e-en.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Home Cooling",
      "url": "https://www.energy.gov/home-cooling"
    },
    {
      "title": "Consumer Guide to Air Sealing the Home",
      "url": "https://www.energy.gov/sites/default/files/2021-08/ES-Air%20Sealing_080421.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Weatherization Assistance Program Fact Sheet",
      "url": "https://www.energy.gov/sites/default/files/2023-08/2023-WAP-Fact-Sheet_0.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Whole-House Weatherization",
      "url": "https://www.energy.gov/cmei/scep/wap/whole-house-weatherization"
    },
    {
      "title": "Brick by Brick (Volume 2)",
      "url": "https://www.oecd.org/content/dam/oecd/en/publications/reports/2023/06/brick-by-brick-volume-2_0e2bf228/e91cb19d-en.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "10 CFR 440.22, 2025 Edition",
      "url": "https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CFR-2025-title10-vol4/pdf/CFR-2025-title10-vol4-sec440-30.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Bridging the Affordability Gap: Towards a Financing Mechanism for Slum Upgrading at Scale in Nairobi",
      "url": "https://unhabitat.org/bridging-the-affordability-gap-towards-a-financing-mechanism-for-slum-upgrading-at-scale-in-nairobi"
    },
    {
      "title": "HER HOME: Housing finance for women in Africa, an untapped market for the housing sector",
      "url": "https://blogs.worldbank.org/en/psd/her-home-housing-finance-women-africa-untapped-market-housing-sector"
    },
    {
      "title": "Tackling tenure security in slums through participatory enumerations",
      "url": "https://unhabitat.org/tackling-tenure-security-in-slums-through-participatory-enumerations"
    },
    {
      "title": "Forced Evictions",
      "url": "https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Publications/FS25.Rev.1.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "Housing Characteristics: 2020",
      "url": "https://www2.census.gov/library/publications/decennial/2020/census-briefs/c2020br-09.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "About the American Housing Survey (AHS)",
      "url": "https://www.census.gov/programs-surveys/ahs/about.html"
    },
    {
      "title": "HC1.2. Housing Costs over Income",
      "url": "https://www.oecd.org/content/dam/oecd/en/data/datasets/affordable-housing-database/hc1-2-housing-costs-over-income.pdf"
    },
    {
      "title": "HUD Secretary Donovan, HHS Secretary Sebelius Discuss Housing, Health, Education, Economic Outcomes of Low-Income Families",
      "url": "https://archives.hud.gov/news/2011/pr11-259.cfm"
    }
  ],
  "license": "https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"
}